The criminal liability of health care practitioners for culpable homicide
- Authors: Dweba, Asavela
- Date: 2022-04
- Subjects: South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/55511 , vital:52594
- Description: South African health societies and associations have allied to call for reform in the criminal law system involving the prosecution of health care practitioners, specifically on charges of culpable homicide. Warranted by the spate of criminal prosecutions against healthcare practitioners and the need for reform, this treatise investigates the criminal liability of healthcare practitioners for culpable homicide. Overall, this study aims to determine the recognition of criminal liability of healthcare practitioners, requirements for culpability, the level of negligence that constitutes culpable homicide, and whether the South African law can adjust the threshold for criminal liability in culpable homicide. An analysis of the consequences of legal literature concerning the offence of culpable homicide and medical negligence is provided. In addition, this study examines pertinent case law to devise a strategy for law reform in South Africa and the development of common law. The study includes a comparative study of foreign jurisdictions to incorporate the position in England, Scotland, New Zealand, India, and Canada from which South Africa can adopt some principles within the South African context. The analysis revealed that South Africa has a low threshold in the form of ordinary negligence required to establish criminal liability in cases of culpable homicide while a higher threshold is required for the selected foreign jurisdictions. Furthermore, this treatise contends that the current South African criminal justice regime is lacking in identifying the ideal degree of fault required for criminal conduct. Thus, reform of South Africa’s approach in dealing with healthcare practitioners suspected/ accused of causing the death of patients under medical care is necessary. This study recommends that the South African criminal law justice system should be developed by way of legislative intervention in which ‘gross negligence or recklessness’ will serve as a measure to criminalise the conduct of healthcare practitioners. This study acknowledges the noble role played by healthcare practitioners in the society and notes that medicine is not an exact science. Therefore, this treatise does not advocate a mandatory exoneration of criminal liability of healthcare practitioners. Rather, for a fair and evidence-based prosecution of reckless medical practices. , Thesis (LLM) -- Faculty of Law, Department of Criminal and Procedural Law, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04
- Authors: Dweba, Asavela
- Date: 2022-04
- Subjects: South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/55511 , vital:52594
- Description: South African health societies and associations have allied to call for reform in the criminal law system involving the prosecution of health care practitioners, specifically on charges of culpable homicide. Warranted by the spate of criminal prosecutions against healthcare practitioners and the need for reform, this treatise investigates the criminal liability of healthcare practitioners for culpable homicide. Overall, this study aims to determine the recognition of criminal liability of healthcare practitioners, requirements for culpability, the level of negligence that constitutes culpable homicide, and whether the South African law can adjust the threshold for criminal liability in culpable homicide. An analysis of the consequences of legal literature concerning the offence of culpable homicide and medical negligence is provided. In addition, this study examines pertinent case law to devise a strategy for law reform in South Africa and the development of common law. The study includes a comparative study of foreign jurisdictions to incorporate the position in England, Scotland, New Zealand, India, and Canada from which South Africa can adopt some principles within the South African context. The analysis revealed that South Africa has a low threshold in the form of ordinary negligence required to establish criminal liability in cases of culpable homicide while a higher threshold is required for the selected foreign jurisdictions. Furthermore, this treatise contends that the current South African criminal justice regime is lacking in identifying the ideal degree of fault required for criminal conduct. Thus, reform of South Africa’s approach in dealing with healthcare practitioners suspected/ accused of causing the death of patients under medical care is necessary. This study recommends that the South African criminal law justice system should be developed by way of legislative intervention in which ‘gross negligence or recklessness’ will serve as a measure to criminalise the conduct of healthcare practitioners. This study acknowledges the noble role played by healthcare practitioners in the society and notes that medicine is not an exact science. Therefore, this treatise does not advocate a mandatory exoneration of criminal liability of healthcare practitioners. Rather, for a fair and evidence-based prosecution of reckless medical practices. , Thesis (LLM) -- Faculty of Law, Department of Criminal and Procedural Law, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04
Standing up against injustice
- Authors: Badat, Saleem
- Date: 2007-09-24 , 2014-07-11
- Subjects: Aggett, Neil , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa , Political activists -- South Africa -- Biography
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:7634 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012603 , Aggett, Neil , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa , Political activists -- South Africa -- Biography
- Description: Kingswood College Neil Aggett Memorial Lecture, Kingswood College, Grahamstown, September 2007.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007-09-24
- Authors: Badat, Saleem
- Date: 2007-09-24 , 2014-07-11
- Subjects: Aggett, Neil , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa , Political activists -- South Africa -- Biography
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:7634 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012603 , Aggett, Neil , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa , Political activists -- South Africa -- Biography
- Description: Kingswood College Neil Aggett Memorial Lecture, Kingswood College, Grahamstown, September 2007.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007-09-24
Records of the inquest into the murder of Matthew Goniwe, Sparrow Mkonto, Fort Calata and Sicelo Mhlauli near Port Elizabeth on 21 June 1985
- Date: between 1987 and 1989 , 1987 , 1989 , 2020
- Subjects: Goniwe, Matthew 1946-1985 , Calata, Fort -1985 , Mkonto, Sparrow -1985 , Mhlauli, Sicelo -1985 , South Africa South African Defence Force , South African Police , Violent deaths South Africa , Inquests South Africa
- Language: English , Afrikaans
- Type: legal case and case notes , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/164749 , vital:41161 , Rhodes University, Cory Library for Humanities Research Cory Library Manuscript Collection MS 18 898
- Description: Inquest no. 626/87, heard in the Regional Court at New Brighton, Port Elizabeth. Record of proceedings and finding by Mr E de Beer.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: between 1987 and 1989
- Date Issued: 1987
- Date Issued: 1989
- Date: between 1987 and 1989 , 1987 , 1989 , 2020
- Subjects: Goniwe, Matthew 1946-1985 , Calata, Fort -1985 , Mkonto, Sparrow -1985 , Mhlauli, Sicelo -1985 , South Africa South African Defence Force , South African Police , Violent deaths South Africa , Inquests South Africa
- Language: English , Afrikaans
- Type: legal case and case notes , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/164749 , vital:41161 , Rhodes University, Cory Library for Humanities Research Cory Library Manuscript Collection MS 18 898
- Description: Inquest no. 626/87, heard in the Regional Court at New Brighton, Port Elizabeth. Record of proceedings and finding by Mr E de Beer.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: between 1987 and 1989
- Date Issued: 1987
- Date Issued: 1989
Work in Progress Issue no.59 - Roads to congress
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: July 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112078 , vital:33545
- Description: South Africa is moving into its fourth year of continuous emergency rule. And with the exception of a few months during 1986, some areas are entering their fifth year under these conditions. The effects of permanent emergency rule have been traumatic and wide ranging. Under emergency rule, a fundamentally anti-democratic state has been able to impose itself on an unwilling people without being subject to scrutiny, discussion or legal opposition. And while South Africa pre-emergency had almost none of the rights and freedoms associated with democracy, the last few years have stripped society of the last vestiges of rule by consent. The nature of the emergency has changed. It began as an aggressive attack on the mass democratic movement and the situation of 'ungovernability' that popular insurrection created. It has changed to become an all-encompassing political strategy, a last defence against ideas which refuse to die. For while organisations have been smashed, the ideas and aspirations which grew from the turbulent early 1980s are showing signs of re-emerging. In this context it may well be true that this government cannot rule without recourse to emergency powers of enormous magnitude. It may also be true that suppression of information, debate and opposition, and unrestrained powers for security forces, are a necessary precondition for an apartheid government to rule a subject people. Government sources have often argued that emergency powers are designed to create a stable context for 'reform'. But what reforms of substance have been offered since the first emergency was declared in July 1985? Looking nervously over a shoulder at far-right interests threatened by the most superficial aspects of deracialisation is hardly an indication of reform. Proposals for a consultative council incorporating Africans are not only tired and bankrupt. Their uncomfortable similarities to the 'toy telephone' Native Representative Council of the 1940s ensures that even the most moderate of black interests will spurn such ideas. Only the discredited, the opportunistic, or those with no following or power base can contemplate participation. Emergency rule - like so many of the preconditions for maintaining apartheid - has created further disease and distortion in society. When the state's institutions of repression - notably police and military - have the free reign granted by emergency powers, it is no surprise that death squads operate seemingly without reprisals. When members of the 'security forces' have the power to incarcerate apartheid's opponents indefinitely, it is no surprise that assassinations, abductions and 'dirty tricks' departments flourish as additional means to remove organised opposition and resistence. It is six weeks since David Webster's death swelled the growing record of political assassinations, assaults and abductions. Over 12 years of publishing, David was a good friend to Work In Progress, writing for, distributing and supporting the publication. Fie was guest speaker at WIP's tenth anniversary celebration. And while police seem unable to find those specifically responsible for his murder, those who have created the atmosphere of emergency rule are the real culprits. It is but one small step from exercising legal powers to detain, ban and suppress, to the extra-legal actions of assassination and terror. Emergency rule will presumably continue until at least after the September general election. The National Party is keen to stay as far from the international spotlight as possible until after these elections. In particular, the new American administration, while clearly right wing, may have new and unpleasant approaches to sanctions and international pressure on South Africa. Internally, the opposition which can be generated in the election - be it from the far right or from those committed to democracy - clearly worries a government based on such shaky foundations. Government planners will still recall the organised resistance to the election of Indian and coloured houses which made such a mockery of the tricameral constitutional initiative. When a government, bankrupt in ideas and initiative's bent on holding power for its own sake - and has means like the state of emergency to enforce is rule - the prospects for any constructive negotiated change are indeed bleak.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1989
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: July 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112078 , vital:33545
- Description: South Africa is moving into its fourth year of continuous emergency rule. And with the exception of a few months during 1986, some areas are entering their fifth year under these conditions. The effects of permanent emergency rule have been traumatic and wide ranging. Under emergency rule, a fundamentally anti-democratic state has been able to impose itself on an unwilling people without being subject to scrutiny, discussion or legal opposition. And while South Africa pre-emergency had almost none of the rights and freedoms associated with democracy, the last few years have stripped society of the last vestiges of rule by consent. The nature of the emergency has changed. It began as an aggressive attack on the mass democratic movement and the situation of 'ungovernability' that popular insurrection created. It has changed to become an all-encompassing political strategy, a last defence against ideas which refuse to die. For while organisations have been smashed, the ideas and aspirations which grew from the turbulent early 1980s are showing signs of re-emerging. In this context it may well be true that this government cannot rule without recourse to emergency powers of enormous magnitude. It may also be true that suppression of information, debate and opposition, and unrestrained powers for security forces, are a necessary precondition for an apartheid government to rule a subject people. Government sources have often argued that emergency powers are designed to create a stable context for 'reform'. But what reforms of substance have been offered since the first emergency was declared in July 1985? Looking nervously over a shoulder at far-right interests threatened by the most superficial aspects of deracialisation is hardly an indication of reform. Proposals for a consultative council incorporating Africans are not only tired and bankrupt. Their uncomfortable similarities to the 'toy telephone' Native Representative Council of the 1940s ensures that even the most moderate of black interests will spurn such ideas. Only the discredited, the opportunistic, or those with no following or power base can contemplate participation. Emergency rule - like so many of the preconditions for maintaining apartheid - has created further disease and distortion in society. When the state's institutions of repression - notably police and military - have the free reign granted by emergency powers, it is no surprise that death squads operate seemingly without reprisals. When members of the 'security forces' have the power to incarcerate apartheid's opponents indefinitely, it is no surprise that assassinations, abductions and 'dirty tricks' departments flourish as additional means to remove organised opposition and resistence. It is six weeks since David Webster's death swelled the growing record of political assassinations, assaults and abductions. Over 12 years of publishing, David was a good friend to Work In Progress, writing for, distributing and supporting the publication. Fie was guest speaker at WIP's tenth anniversary celebration. And while police seem unable to find those specifically responsible for his murder, those who have created the atmosphere of emergency rule are the real culprits. It is but one small step from exercising legal powers to detain, ban and suppress, to the extra-legal actions of assassination and terror. Emergency rule will presumably continue until at least after the September general election. The National Party is keen to stay as far from the international spotlight as possible until after these elections. In particular, the new American administration, while clearly right wing, may have new and unpleasant approaches to sanctions and international pressure on South Africa. Internally, the opposition which can be generated in the election - be it from the far right or from those committed to democracy - clearly worries a government based on such shaky foundations. Government planners will still recall the organised resistance to the election of Indian and coloured houses which made such a mockery of the tricameral constitutional initiative. When a government, bankrupt in ideas and initiative's bent on holding power for its own sake - and has means like the state of emergency to enforce is rule - the prospects for any constructive negotiated change are indeed bleak.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1989
Records of the inquest into the murder of Matthew Goniwe, Sparrow Mkonto, Fort Calata and Sicelo Mhlauli near Port Elizabeth on 27 June 1985
- Goniwe Inquest, Du Plessis, Lourens, Van Rensburg, Janse, South African Police, South Africa
- Authors: Goniwe Inquest , Du Plessis, Lourens , Van Rensburg, Janse , South African Police , South Africa
- Date: 1993-1994 , 1994
- Subjects: Goniwe, Matthew 1946-1985 , Calata, Fort -1985 , Mkonto, Sparrow -1985 , Mhlauli, Sicelo -1985 , South Africa South African Defence Force , South African Police , Violent deaths South Africa , Inquests South Africa , Colonel Du Plessis, Lourens SADF , General Van der Westhuizen, C P SADF
- Language: English , Afrikaans
- Type: legal case and case notes , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/165353 , vital:41236 , Rhodes University, Cory Library for Humanities Research Cory Library Manuscript Collection MS 18 905
- Description: Heads of Argument presented by the South African Defence Force, Col. Lourens du Plessis, the South African Police, the Acting Attorney-General of the Eastern Cape and General Janse van Rensburg, 1993-1994.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993-1994
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Goniwe Inquest , Du Plessis, Lourens , Van Rensburg, Janse , South African Police , South Africa
- Date: 1993-1994 , 1994
- Subjects: Goniwe, Matthew 1946-1985 , Calata, Fort -1985 , Mkonto, Sparrow -1985 , Mhlauli, Sicelo -1985 , South Africa South African Defence Force , South African Police , Violent deaths South Africa , Inquests South Africa , Colonel Du Plessis, Lourens SADF , General Van der Westhuizen, C P SADF
- Language: English , Afrikaans
- Type: legal case and case notes , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/165353 , vital:41236 , Rhodes University, Cory Library for Humanities Research Cory Library Manuscript Collection MS 18 905
- Description: Heads of Argument presented by the South African Defence Force, Col. Lourens du Plessis, the South African Police, the Acting Attorney-General of the Eastern Cape and General Janse van Rensburg, 1993-1994.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993-1994
- Date Issued: 1994
The Port Elizabeth disturbances of October, 1920
- Authors: Baines, Gary F, 1955-
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Black people -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Social conditions , Police shootings -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Labor movement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2529 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001858
- Description: Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
- Authors: Baines, Gary F, 1955-
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Black people -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Social conditions , Police shootings -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Labor movement -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2529 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001858
- Description: Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
The rule of Brigadier Oupa Gqozo in Ciskei: 4 March 1990 to 22 March 1994
- Authors: White, Colin Stewart
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Gqozo, Oupa , Sebe, L L W (Lennox L W) , Massacres -- Bisho (South Africa) , Ciskei (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century , Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2616 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013360
- Description: Although the history of the Eastern Cape has been recorded from the eighteenth century, virtually nothing has been written about the political entity known as the independent Republic of Ciskei (1981 – 1994). This hiatus in our history, coupled with the fact that many of the official records of that period have been destroyed, make it imperative that the role-players of the period be contacted and their evidence be recorded before it is lost to prosperity. This need has motivated the writing of the thesis. The thesis commences with a brief description of the early history and constitutional development of Ciskei. It then has a substantial chapter on Lennox Sebe, the ruler of Ciskei from 1973 to 1990, who is described as the catalyst of Gqozo’s coup d’état. This is followed by a short personal biography of Oupa Gqozo, and his rise to the position of Brigadier in the Ciskei army. On 4 March 1990 Gqozo led the coup by the Ciskei Defence Force that dethroned Sebe. At the outset he ruled in an exemplary manner, but after being misled by South African agents he turned against the African National Congress and his own people. When he established his own party, the African Democratic Movement, and re-instated the hated headman system, civil war followed in Ciskei. Separate chapters in the thesis relate the various traumatic events that occurred during Gqozo’s reign: the killing of Anton Guzana and Charles Sebe; the dismissal of the senior officers of the CDF; the strife during 1991/2; the Bhisho Massacre; its aftermath; the mutiny by the security forces and Gqozo’s resignation on 22 March 1994. The thesis concludes that although Brigadier Gqozo respected the rule of law, and was free of corruption, he was devoid of the necessary academic qualifications, experience and ability, including the necessary insight and foresight, to rule a country. He became paranoid about his own safety and the possible overthrow of his government, and he was too easily swayed by others. In short, Gqozo was inept, rather than evil.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: White, Colin Stewart
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Gqozo, Oupa , Sebe, L L W (Lennox L W) , Massacres -- Bisho (South Africa) , Ciskei (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century , Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2616 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013360
- Description: Although the history of the Eastern Cape has been recorded from the eighteenth century, virtually nothing has been written about the political entity known as the independent Republic of Ciskei (1981 – 1994). This hiatus in our history, coupled with the fact that many of the official records of that period have been destroyed, make it imperative that the role-players of the period be contacted and their evidence be recorded before it is lost to prosperity. This need has motivated the writing of the thesis. The thesis commences with a brief description of the early history and constitutional development of Ciskei. It then has a substantial chapter on Lennox Sebe, the ruler of Ciskei from 1973 to 1990, who is described as the catalyst of Gqozo’s coup d’état. This is followed by a short personal biography of Oupa Gqozo, and his rise to the position of Brigadier in the Ciskei army. On 4 March 1990 Gqozo led the coup by the Ciskei Defence Force that dethroned Sebe. At the outset he ruled in an exemplary manner, but after being misled by South African agents he turned against the African National Congress and his own people. When he established his own party, the African Democratic Movement, and re-instated the hated headman system, civil war followed in Ciskei. Separate chapters in the thesis relate the various traumatic events that occurred during Gqozo’s reign: the killing of Anton Guzana and Charles Sebe; the dismissal of the senior officers of the CDF; the strife during 1991/2; the Bhisho Massacre; its aftermath; the mutiny by the security forces and Gqozo’s resignation on 22 March 1994. The thesis concludes that although Brigadier Gqozo respected the rule of law, and was free of corruption, he was devoid of the necessary academic qualifications, experience and ability, including the necessary insight and foresight, to rule a country. He became paranoid about his own safety and the possible overthrow of his government, and he was too easily swayed by others. In short, Gqozo was inept, rather than evil.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Rhodeo: 1980 - March
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14700 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019572
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14700 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019572
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
Rationalisation of magisterial districts to transform the judiciary and widen access to justice under the RSA constitution of 1996
- Authors: Skosana, Jacob
- Date: 2024-01
- Subjects: Justice, Administration of , Law and socialism , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28162 , vital:72777
- Description: The study examines how pre-1994 magisterial districts jurisdictions denied access to justice to many South Africans, and ongoing efforts to reverse this injustice. Delayed rationalisation of the judiciary and reform of the courts territorial jurisdiction during the apartheid era exacerbated the problem. The courts administered justice along spatial racial divide, and given the location of the courts, many black communities had to commute long distances to access justice and at a great cost and inconvenience. The Constitution of South Africa of 1996 provides not only for the right to equality before the law and equal protection and benefit of the law but also the right to access the courts and seek recourse. In a period spanning eight years from December 2014, new magisterial districts were proclaimed in all the nine provinces of South Africa. Despite this milestone and the imperative of the 1996 Constitution, the rationalisation process is still in its infancy: old legislation and judicial structures remain intact; divisions of the High Court continue to exercise jurisdictions determined for the pre-1994 constitutional dispensation. The status quo continues to perpetuate the denial of access to justice to communities especially those living in areas that hitherto formed part of the former homelands and self-governing ‘states’. The study was conducted through a desktop survey of primary and secondary material relevant to the rationalisation process. It drew lessons from the re-demarcation of municipal boundaries which, like magisterial districts, were based on racial laws and policies of the past. It also contrasted rationalisation principles in comparable jurisdictions. The findings provide a useful contribution to the ongoing effort to effect rationalisation of the court system. They also contribute to knowledge and enriches our understanding of the relationship that underpins the administration of justice in a dispensation driven by democratic, human rights and constitutional ethos. , Thesis (PhD (LLD)) -- Faculty of Law, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-01
- Authors: Skosana, Jacob
- Date: 2024-01
- Subjects: Justice, Administration of , Law and socialism , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28162 , vital:72777
- Description: The study examines how pre-1994 magisterial districts jurisdictions denied access to justice to many South Africans, and ongoing efforts to reverse this injustice. Delayed rationalisation of the judiciary and reform of the courts territorial jurisdiction during the apartheid era exacerbated the problem. The courts administered justice along spatial racial divide, and given the location of the courts, many black communities had to commute long distances to access justice and at a great cost and inconvenience. The Constitution of South Africa of 1996 provides not only for the right to equality before the law and equal protection and benefit of the law but also the right to access the courts and seek recourse. In a period spanning eight years from December 2014, new magisterial districts were proclaimed in all the nine provinces of South Africa. Despite this milestone and the imperative of the 1996 Constitution, the rationalisation process is still in its infancy: old legislation and judicial structures remain intact; divisions of the High Court continue to exercise jurisdictions determined for the pre-1994 constitutional dispensation. The status quo continues to perpetuate the denial of access to justice to communities especially those living in areas that hitherto formed part of the former homelands and self-governing ‘states’. The study was conducted through a desktop survey of primary and secondary material relevant to the rationalisation process. It drew lessons from the re-demarcation of municipal boundaries which, like magisterial districts, were based on racial laws and policies of the past. It also contrasted rationalisation principles in comparable jurisdictions. The findings provide a useful contribution to the ongoing effort to effect rationalisation of the court system. They also contribute to knowledge and enriches our understanding of the relationship that underpins the administration of justice in a dispensation driven by democratic, human rights and constitutional ethos. , Thesis (PhD (LLD)) -- Faculty of Law, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-01
Port Elizabeth History: A Select Annotated Bibliography
- Authors: Baines, Gary F
- Date: 1998
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/125742 , vital:35813 , https://doi.10.1080/02582479808671323
- Description: When I commenced my work on aspects of Port Elizabeth’s history in the late 1980s, there was no body of scholarly literature on which to draw. Since thena number of significant publications, both periodical articles and books, as well as theses have appeared, and something of a corpus of works on the city now exists. It seems appropriate to take stock of the current state of Port Elizabeth’s historiography by compiling a bibliography.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Baines, Gary F
- Date: 1998
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/125742 , vital:35813 , https://doi.10.1080/02582479808671323
- Description: When I commenced my work on aspects of Port Elizabeth’s history in the late 1980s, there was no body of scholarly literature on which to draw. Since thena number of significant publications, both periodical articles and books, as well as theses have appeared, and something of a corpus of works on the city now exists. It seems appropriate to take stock of the current state of Port Elizabeth’s historiography by compiling a bibliography.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Work in Progress Issue no.29 - Caught in the crossfire
- WIP
- Authors: WIP
- Date: July 1983
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111411 , vital:33449
- Description: During July 1983? the Ciskei Transport Corporation (CTC) announced that it intended increasing bus fares on certain routes. A committee representing commuters objected to the proposed increases, arguing that commuters could not afford them, given the recent price rise in the cost of basic foodstuffs. The CTC - partly owned by the Ciskei government - dismissed these objections, and the committee duly called a boycott of all buses owned by the company. On 19 July the boycott began. The following day the press reported an 80% drop in the use of CTC buses. From this point on, police, the army, and a private army of vigilantes were used by the Ciskei administration to force commuters to use buses. In the past two months, Ciskeian authorities have indicated their willingness to use any official and unofficial, legal and extra-legal forms of violence to break the boycott. Violence has escalated, and the conflict has now become a test of strength between bantustan rulers and their unwilling subjects. The first concerted attempt to break the boycott was directed at private car owners and taxi drivers. Police established road blocks on routes in and out of Mdantsane. From then on, vigilantes under the control of police harassed car passengers, car drivers and taxi drivers. Police manhandled car passengers, using sjamboks on some occasions. Cars have been confiscated, and passengers forced to alight and return to bus stops. The brunt of the tactics used to break the bus boycott have been borne by train commuters. As with vehicle commuters, the means used to prevent them from catching trains appear to know no bounds. Civilians have been attacked, assaulted and fired on by police and vigilante groups under police control. Residents of Mdantsane put the death toll at over 60. By September, at least 67 people - most of them trade unionists - had been detained under Ciskei security legislation. In addition, over 1 000 commuters have been detained for technical offences such as curfew breaking. In September, the South African Allied Workers' Union was banned by the Sebe administration. On 4 August, the Ciskei's minister of justice declared a state of emergency. No person may be on the streets without permission between 22h00 and 04h00. No more than four people may congregate together in houses or on the streets. There have been numerous reports of assaults and torture of detainees held in the Ciskei, and a number of detainees have been admitted to hospital at various stages of their detention. As disturbing as are the number of people hospitalised are reports of the failure to hospitalise or treat other detainees injured in assaults. This is the context in which SARS, in conjunction with the Development Studies Group, is publishing a detailed report on the Ciskei. Produced by Nicholas Haysom, a research officer at the Centre for Applied Legal Studies, the report covers the political history of the Ciskei, security legislation, torture and repression in the past years, background to the current bus boycott, and methods used by the Ciskei administration to crush the boycott. There is also a section on the current schools boycott in the Ciskei, the involvement of South African security police and firms in the Ciskei crisis, and the response of people resident in the area. Subscribers to SARS publications will receive this report as part of their subscription. Copies will also be available at bookshops stocking Work In Progress, or directly from SARS
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1983
- Authors: WIP
- Date: July 1983
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111411 , vital:33449
- Description: During July 1983? the Ciskei Transport Corporation (CTC) announced that it intended increasing bus fares on certain routes. A committee representing commuters objected to the proposed increases, arguing that commuters could not afford them, given the recent price rise in the cost of basic foodstuffs. The CTC - partly owned by the Ciskei government - dismissed these objections, and the committee duly called a boycott of all buses owned by the company. On 19 July the boycott began. The following day the press reported an 80% drop in the use of CTC buses. From this point on, police, the army, and a private army of vigilantes were used by the Ciskei administration to force commuters to use buses. In the past two months, Ciskeian authorities have indicated their willingness to use any official and unofficial, legal and extra-legal forms of violence to break the boycott. Violence has escalated, and the conflict has now become a test of strength between bantustan rulers and their unwilling subjects. The first concerted attempt to break the boycott was directed at private car owners and taxi drivers. Police established road blocks on routes in and out of Mdantsane. From then on, vigilantes under the control of police harassed car passengers, car drivers and taxi drivers. Police manhandled car passengers, using sjamboks on some occasions. Cars have been confiscated, and passengers forced to alight and return to bus stops. The brunt of the tactics used to break the bus boycott have been borne by train commuters. As with vehicle commuters, the means used to prevent them from catching trains appear to know no bounds. Civilians have been attacked, assaulted and fired on by police and vigilante groups under police control. Residents of Mdantsane put the death toll at over 60. By September, at least 67 people - most of them trade unionists - had been detained under Ciskei security legislation. In addition, over 1 000 commuters have been detained for technical offences such as curfew breaking. In September, the South African Allied Workers' Union was banned by the Sebe administration. On 4 August, the Ciskei's minister of justice declared a state of emergency. No person may be on the streets without permission between 22h00 and 04h00. No more than four people may congregate together in houses or on the streets. There have been numerous reports of assaults and torture of detainees held in the Ciskei, and a number of detainees have been admitted to hospital at various stages of their detention. As disturbing as are the number of people hospitalised are reports of the failure to hospitalise or treat other detainees injured in assaults. This is the context in which SARS, in conjunction with the Development Studies Group, is publishing a detailed report on the Ciskei. Produced by Nicholas Haysom, a research officer at the Centre for Applied Legal Studies, the report covers the political history of the Ciskei, security legislation, torture and repression in the past years, background to the current bus boycott, and methods used by the Ciskei administration to crush the boycott. There is also a section on the current schools boycott in the Ciskei, the involvement of South African security police and firms in the Ciskei crisis, and the response of people resident in the area. Subscribers to SARS publications will receive this report as part of their subscription. Copies will also be available at bookshops stocking Work In Progress, or directly from SARS
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1983
New Nation - Govt-Inkatha clash looms
- New Nation - SA's Biggest Independent Weekly
- Authors: New Nation - SA's Biggest Independent Weekly
- Date: Dec 1992
- Subjects: New Nation - SA's Biggest Independent Weekly
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112906 , vital:33675
- Description: clash is looming between the National Party (NP) government and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) following this week's unveiling by kwaZulu chief minister, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi of a constitutional blueprint which envisages a kwaZulu/- Natal state. Following the unveiling of the document this week, state president FW de Klerk, warned that kwaZulu’s constitutional initiatives had the potential of escalating violence and of bringing the kwaZulu government into "direct confrontation" with Pretoria. An urgent meeting between De Klerk and Buthelezi is expected within the week. And sources in the government have indicated that senior NP leaders were disillusioned with the IFP and were looking for the "best way to ditch Chief Buthelezi". The sources said that although the NP recognised that Buthelezi was a factor in finding a solution to South Africa's political conflict, the party was disillusioned with the IFP and felt that the government had been misled into believing that the organisation commanded the support it claimed. The NP leadership, as well as their strategists, now believed that the De Klerk government should rather direct all its energy towards striking a deal with the ANC - provided such a deal secured a future for whites. The ANC's newly adopted "Strategic Perspective" document - which envisages powersharing between the ANC and the Nationalists from the transition phase up to the postapartheid era - is viewed as a positive signal which justifies the need for closer ties between the Nats and the ANC. There is also concern within the NP that Buthelezi's latest moves - of steering a conference of right wing parties and this week's constitutional proposals - are "driving" whites away from NP to the Conservative Party (CP). The CP is one of the parties KwaZulu chief minister, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi that has welcomed kwaZulu's constitutional blueprint and said it was in line with the CP’s vision of the "self-determination of nations in a commonwealth of independent states”. Meanwhile, Democratic Party (DP) Member of Parliament for Umhlanga, Kobus jordaan, who was among those involved in the kwaZulu/Natal Indaba plan in the mid-1980s, said there was no comparison between that initiative and this week's constitutional proposals. "The Buthelezi that was involved in the kwaZulu/Natal Indaba, is not the same Buthelezi that we have today," said Jordaan. "He had a national approach, and never spoke about secession. This proposal smacks of secession ," added Jordaan. Scholars of Natal politics have argued that Buthelezi’s undertaking to test his proposals of a kwaZulu/Natal state in a referendum were logisti- cally impossible. The calling of a referendum was also described as "legally impossible", especially now that De Klerk has poured cold water on the initiative. KwaZulu would have no powers to call a referendum for people who live in Natal. Records of the kwaZulu interior department state that only 770 000 people - in a population of 3- million - in the homeland had registered for the 1988 elections. It is suggested that people in the province would either refuse to go to a referendum or Buthelezi would simply lose it. They have pointed out that the Inkatha leader might be over estimating his support. Economists said Natal alone could not be economically viable. The region comprises of about 25 percent of South Africa's population, but it was responsible for only 16 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Dec 1992
- Authors: New Nation - SA's Biggest Independent Weekly
- Date: Dec 1992
- Subjects: New Nation - SA's Biggest Independent Weekly
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112906 , vital:33675
- Description: clash is looming between the National Party (NP) government and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) following this week's unveiling by kwaZulu chief minister, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi of a constitutional blueprint which envisages a kwaZulu/- Natal state. Following the unveiling of the document this week, state president FW de Klerk, warned that kwaZulu’s constitutional initiatives had the potential of escalating violence and of bringing the kwaZulu government into "direct confrontation" with Pretoria. An urgent meeting between De Klerk and Buthelezi is expected within the week. And sources in the government have indicated that senior NP leaders were disillusioned with the IFP and were looking for the "best way to ditch Chief Buthelezi". The sources said that although the NP recognised that Buthelezi was a factor in finding a solution to South Africa's political conflict, the party was disillusioned with the IFP and felt that the government had been misled into believing that the organisation commanded the support it claimed. The NP leadership, as well as their strategists, now believed that the De Klerk government should rather direct all its energy towards striking a deal with the ANC - provided such a deal secured a future for whites. The ANC's newly adopted "Strategic Perspective" document - which envisages powersharing between the ANC and the Nationalists from the transition phase up to the postapartheid era - is viewed as a positive signal which justifies the need for closer ties between the Nats and the ANC. There is also concern within the NP that Buthelezi's latest moves - of steering a conference of right wing parties and this week's constitutional proposals - are "driving" whites away from NP to the Conservative Party (CP). The CP is one of the parties KwaZulu chief minister, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi that has welcomed kwaZulu's constitutional blueprint and said it was in line with the CP’s vision of the "self-determination of nations in a commonwealth of independent states”. Meanwhile, Democratic Party (DP) Member of Parliament for Umhlanga, Kobus jordaan, who was among those involved in the kwaZulu/Natal Indaba plan in the mid-1980s, said there was no comparison between that initiative and this week's constitutional proposals. "The Buthelezi that was involved in the kwaZulu/Natal Indaba, is not the same Buthelezi that we have today," said Jordaan. "He had a national approach, and never spoke about secession. This proposal smacks of secession ," added Jordaan. Scholars of Natal politics have argued that Buthelezi’s undertaking to test his proposals of a kwaZulu/Natal state in a referendum were logisti- cally impossible. The calling of a referendum was also described as "legally impossible", especially now that De Klerk has poured cold water on the initiative. KwaZulu would have no powers to call a referendum for people who live in Natal. Records of the kwaZulu interior department state that only 770 000 people - in a population of 3- million - in the homeland had registered for the 1988 elections. It is suggested that people in the province would either refuse to go to a referendum or Buthelezi would simply lose it. They have pointed out that the Inkatha leader might be over estimating his support. Economists said Natal alone could not be economically viable. The region comprises of about 25 percent of South Africa's population, but it was responsible for only 16 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Dec 1992
Rhodeo: 1987 - March
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14745 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019617
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14745 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019617
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
The Daily Dispatch's political coverage of the Eastern Cape Provincial government: 1 January 2013 – 31 December 2013
- Authors: Ramncwana, Ayanda
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Journalism -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Mass media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Press -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19905 , vital:29004
- Description: The Daily Dispatch, a newspaper based in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, has a long history of political reporting. Arguably, it reached the zenith of its prominence during the era of political activism of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), under the leadership of Bantu Steve Biko, who was martyred by the apartheid government in 1977. Biko was at the time based in King William’s Town, in the Eastern Cape. The newspaper, at the time edited by Donald Woods, held the view that Biko was preaching a doctrine of hatred against White people, and Woods took it upon himself to challenge Biko. This saw Woods gaining a better understanding of the BCM and Biko, and hiring into the Daily Dispatch’s newsroom a number of pro-Black Consciousness journalists. The newspaper then proceeded to cover not only the BCM, but also other pro-democracy movements until the demise of apartheid and the emergence of the African National Congress-led government under the presidency of Nelson Mandela. With the emergence of the ANC-led government, there was an expectation that newspapers and journalists that had opposed apartheid and supported the liberation struggle would continue supporting the freedom fighters-turned-career-politicians. This was especially so because some pro-ANC politicians-turned-businessmen acquired a stake in media ownership. It is against this background that this study investigated the political coverage by the Daily Dispatch of the Eastern Cape Provincial Government during the period 1 January – 30 December 2013. Taking into cognisance the changing hands of the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the Political Economy theory, which focuses on the link between ownership of the media and its role in society, was employed as a theoretical framework. The study utilised the qualitative research methodology, specifically interviews and content analysis, as research techniques (methods). The research found that despite the changes in the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the newspaper provided independent political coverage of the ANC-led government in the Eastern Cape during the research period.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Ramncwana, Ayanda
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Journalism -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Mass media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Press -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19905 , vital:29004
- Description: The Daily Dispatch, a newspaper based in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, has a long history of political reporting. Arguably, it reached the zenith of its prominence during the era of political activism of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), under the leadership of Bantu Steve Biko, who was martyred by the apartheid government in 1977. Biko was at the time based in King William’s Town, in the Eastern Cape. The newspaper, at the time edited by Donald Woods, held the view that Biko was preaching a doctrine of hatred against White people, and Woods took it upon himself to challenge Biko. This saw Woods gaining a better understanding of the BCM and Biko, and hiring into the Daily Dispatch’s newsroom a number of pro-Black Consciousness journalists. The newspaper then proceeded to cover not only the BCM, but also other pro-democracy movements until the demise of apartheid and the emergence of the African National Congress-led government under the presidency of Nelson Mandela. With the emergence of the ANC-led government, there was an expectation that newspapers and journalists that had opposed apartheid and supported the liberation struggle would continue supporting the freedom fighters-turned-career-politicians. This was especially so because some pro-ANC politicians-turned-businessmen acquired a stake in media ownership. It is against this background that this study investigated the political coverage by the Daily Dispatch of the Eastern Cape Provincial Government during the period 1 January – 30 December 2013. Taking into cognisance the changing hands of the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the Political Economy theory, which focuses on the link between ownership of the media and its role in society, was employed as a theoretical framework. The study utilised the qualitative research methodology, specifically interviews and content analysis, as research techniques (methods). The research found that despite the changes in the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the newspaper provided independent political coverage of the ANC-led government in the Eastern Cape during the research period.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Rhodeo: 1984 - May
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14726 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019598
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14726 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019598
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
Rhodeo: 1982 - September
- Date: 1982-09-01
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14714 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019586
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1982-09-01
- Date: 1982-09-01
- Subjects: Grahamstown -- Newspapers , Journalism, Students -- South Africa , Rhodes University -- Activate , Rhodes University -- Students , Student newspapers and periodicals -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Text
- Identifier: vital:14714 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019586
- Description: Rhodeo is the Independent Student Newspaper of Rhodes University. Located in Grahamstown, Rhodeo was established in 1947, and renamed in 1994 as Activate. During apartheid Rhodeo became an active part of the struggle for freedom of expression as part of the now defunct South African Student Press Union. Currently Activate is committed to informing Rhodes University students, staff and community members about relevant issues, mainly on campus. These issues range from hard news to more creative journalism. While Activate acts as a news source, one of its main objectives it to be accessible as a training ground for student journalists. The newspaper is run entirely by the students and is published twice a term. Activate is a free newspaper which receives an annual grant from the Rhodes University Student Representative Council, however, majority of its revenue is generated through advertising.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1982-09-01
The efficacy of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in East London: perceptions of participants
- Authors: Pule, Quincy
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political crimes and offenses -- Investigation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8304 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019920
- Description: This study examines the degree to which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in East London have mitigated the impact of gross human rights violations on some of the Duncan Village victims. The research draws upon responses from a convenience sample of victims of apartheid atrocities guided by their own individual experiences, literature on conflict management, and TRC hearings that took place in other African states. The East London TRC hearings alert one to the brutality of the apartheid regime whose political intolerance unleashed violence against ordinary citizens of East London. Despite being seen as a witch hunt against the apartheid security establishment, most of the victims feel the TRC opened lines of communication between former enemies, although one cannot conclusively say that total reconciliation between victims and perpetrators has been achieved. Insofar as telling the truth is concerned, the concept defies unanimous acceptance as a contributor to peaceful co-existence. The mere fact that some perpetrators refused to appear before the TRC is an indication that the value attached to it differs from person to person, particularly in a situation where the political landscape is characterized by intimidation and fear. The treatise unveils the East London TRC as a platform for compromise as some of the victims felt anger and hatred for the perpetrators would amount to perpetual self-imposed ostracism. Noting that the TRC was never meant to hurt anyone, the treatise ushers one into a space where reconciliation takes precedence over vengeance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Pule, Quincy
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political crimes and offenses -- Investigation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8304 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019920
- Description: This study examines the degree to which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in East London have mitigated the impact of gross human rights violations on some of the Duncan Village victims. The research draws upon responses from a convenience sample of victims of apartheid atrocities guided by their own individual experiences, literature on conflict management, and TRC hearings that took place in other African states. The East London TRC hearings alert one to the brutality of the apartheid regime whose political intolerance unleashed violence against ordinary citizens of East London. Despite being seen as a witch hunt against the apartheid security establishment, most of the victims feel the TRC opened lines of communication between former enemies, although one cannot conclusively say that total reconciliation between victims and perpetrators has been achieved. Insofar as telling the truth is concerned, the concept defies unanimous acceptance as a contributor to peaceful co-existence. The mere fact that some perpetrators refused to appear before the TRC is an indication that the value attached to it differs from person to person, particularly in a situation where the political landscape is characterized by intimidation and fear. The treatise unveils the East London TRC as a platform for compromise as some of the victims felt anger and hatred for the perpetrators would amount to perpetual self-imposed ostracism. Noting that the TRC was never meant to hurt anyone, the treatise ushers one into a space where reconciliation takes precedence over vengeance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Records of the inquest into the murder of Matthew Goniwe, Sparrow Mkonto, Fort Calata and Sicelo Mhlauli near Port Elizabeth on 27 June 1985
- Authors: Goniwe Inquest
- Subjects: Goniwe, Matthew 1946-1985 , Calata, Fort -1985 , Mkonto, Sparrow -1985 , Mhlauli, Sicelo -1985 , South Africa South African Defence Force , South African Police , Violent deaths South Africa , Inquests South Africa , Colonel Du Plessis, Lourens SADF , General Van der Westhuizen, C P SADF , Colonel Jonker, J SAP , Bozalek, Lee Legal Resources Centre, Cape Town , Makhaula, Gladdwell Cradock Residents Association (CRADORA) , Fouche, Henri , Cradock Workers Union , Holomisa, Bantu, 1955- , Joubert, A J M , Lessons learnt from past revolutionay wars by Brigadier C.A. Fraser, SM
- Language: English , Afrikaans
- Type: legal case and case notes , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/165046 , vital:41203 , Rhodes University, Cory Library for Humanities Research Cory Library Manuscript Collection MS 18 904
- Description: Exhibits G : other documents including affidavits, letters, press and other published material, police files, photographs, plans and diagrams. People involved include Col. J Jonker, Henri Fouche, Col L du Plessis, Gen A J M Joubert, Major-General B Holomisa and Lieut.-General C P van der Westhuizen. , EXHIBITS - GONIWE Gl Diagram: Die Nasionale Veiligheidsbestuurstelsel (NBVS) G2 Opsomende diagrammatiese uiteensetting van die NBVS tot met die 1985 noodtoestand G3 Declaration of destruction of classified documents/material G4. Fraser: Lessons learnt from past revolutionary wars GS Kol J Jonker: Photo album - Strand Street G6 . Memorandum of the South West Africa Bar Council G7 Jacques Pauw In the Heart of the Whore, p113 G8 Accountability in Namibia (Africa Watch) G9 Goniwe’s Cradock File (ppl - 53) Aansoek vir in tamatie (p54) Extract from file (p55 - 58) G10 Goniwe’s telephone transcripts 1985/06/21 • 1985/06/28 G11 Affidavit of Henri Fouche G12 Annexures A- F: Fouche G13 Race Relations' Survey 1983, pp608 - 609 G14 Race Relations Survey 1985 pp482 - 483 G15 Race Relations Survey 1992/ 1993 p28 G16 Record and reasons for finding: S v Hamakali G17 Faku Inquest: Docket G18 Faku Inquest: Photo’s Gl9 EP Herald: 16 December 1989 G20 Faku Inquest: Investigation Diary G21 Description: Jetta Rear Axle G22 Beskadingsverslag: Staatsvoertuig G23 Map: Scene of explosion G24 Minutes: Inspection in loco G2S Photo’s: Inspection in loco G26 Registration of Jetta G27 Back of Faku investigation docket G28 Faku docket: Name en addresse van getuies G29 Druktelegram GONIWE EXHIBITS: FILE 2 G30 Letter from Wagenaar to Col Du 'Plessis, dated 5 February 1993 G31 Letter from Wagenaar to Col Du Plessis, dated 2 March 1993 G32 McCuen mimeo G33 Joubert affidavit and CCB document G34 Original damaged Katzen documents G35 Katzen: Glossary G36 Katzen: List of names G37 G38 Letter from Col Du Plessis to commanding officer, EP Command G39 Note regarding Du Plessis’ absence G40 Luus affidavit G41 Du Plessis evidence before commission G42 Letter from Maj-Gen Holomisa to State President G43 Du Plessis statement to New Nation G44 New Nation 8 - 14 May G4S Bank account: Du Plessis G46 'Verwyder’ documents G47 Diagram: Rewo oorlog G4S Bank document: Du Plessis G49 Letter from Col Du Plessis to Cyril Ramaphosa G50 Bevelskrif: Van der Westhuizen (Pligstaat) G51 Curriculum vitae: Van der Westhuizen G52 Plan: offices of EP Command G53 Verslag deur Botha Marais dated 3 February 1985 G54 Pauw: Heart of the whore extract G55 OPGBS minutes: 23 February 1984 G56 Dictionary of military terms G57 Heitman - article (Militaria) G58 Kort kursus in - strategie vir amptenare G59 Lesing 10 G60 Minutes of PE GIS meeting: 1985-05-30 G61 New Nation 30 April - 7 May 1985 G62 The Undeclared War G63 Verplasing Nr S163373E Sersant F.Z. Koni G64 Oor- en verplasing Nr S163373E Sersant F.Z. Koni : vanaf Veiligheidstak, Cradock (BP 1801) na die Uniformtak, Cradock (BP 1801) G65 Ontlsag weens mediese ongeskiktheid : NR S163373E Konstabel F.Z. Koni G66 Memo: Verplasing : W66950H Sers G.H. Lourentz G67 Diensbeeindiging rekord Konstabel Elizabeth van Zyl G68 Mediese iname verslag G69 Intydese Persal Verslag: W A Roux G70 Oor- en verplasing : W86689T Adjudant-offisier W A Roux : vanaf Uniformtak, Cradock (BP 1801) na die Veiligheidstak, Cradock (BP 1801) G71A Besonderhede van voertuig G71B Vervanging: motorcar SAP 48549N G71C Vervanging: motorcar SAP 48549N G72 Ondersoekdagboek
- Full Text:
- Authors: Goniwe Inquest
- Subjects: Goniwe, Matthew 1946-1985 , Calata, Fort -1985 , Mkonto, Sparrow -1985 , Mhlauli, Sicelo -1985 , South Africa South African Defence Force , South African Police , Violent deaths South Africa , Inquests South Africa , Colonel Du Plessis, Lourens SADF , General Van der Westhuizen, C P SADF , Colonel Jonker, J SAP , Bozalek, Lee Legal Resources Centre, Cape Town , Makhaula, Gladdwell Cradock Residents Association (CRADORA) , Fouche, Henri , Cradock Workers Union , Holomisa, Bantu, 1955- , Joubert, A J M , Lessons learnt from past revolutionay wars by Brigadier C.A. Fraser, SM
- Language: English , Afrikaans
- Type: legal case and case notes , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/165046 , vital:41203 , Rhodes University, Cory Library for Humanities Research Cory Library Manuscript Collection MS 18 904
- Description: Exhibits G : other documents including affidavits, letters, press and other published material, police files, photographs, plans and diagrams. People involved include Col. J Jonker, Henri Fouche, Col L du Plessis, Gen A J M Joubert, Major-General B Holomisa and Lieut.-General C P van der Westhuizen. , EXHIBITS - GONIWE Gl Diagram: Die Nasionale Veiligheidsbestuurstelsel (NBVS) G2 Opsomende diagrammatiese uiteensetting van die NBVS tot met die 1985 noodtoestand G3 Declaration of destruction of classified documents/material G4. Fraser: Lessons learnt from past revolutionary wars GS Kol J Jonker: Photo album - Strand Street G6 . Memorandum of the South West Africa Bar Council G7 Jacques Pauw In the Heart of the Whore, p113 G8 Accountability in Namibia (Africa Watch) G9 Goniwe’s Cradock File (ppl - 53) Aansoek vir in tamatie (p54) Extract from file (p55 - 58) G10 Goniwe’s telephone transcripts 1985/06/21 • 1985/06/28 G11 Affidavit of Henri Fouche G12 Annexures A- F: Fouche G13 Race Relations' Survey 1983, pp608 - 609 G14 Race Relations Survey 1985 pp482 - 483 G15 Race Relations Survey 1992/ 1993 p28 G16 Record and reasons for finding: S v Hamakali G17 Faku Inquest: Docket G18 Faku Inquest: Photo’s Gl9 EP Herald: 16 December 1989 G20 Faku Inquest: Investigation Diary G21 Description: Jetta Rear Axle G22 Beskadingsverslag: Staatsvoertuig G23 Map: Scene of explosion G24 Minutes: Inspection in loco G2S Photo’s: Inspection in loco G26 Registration of Jetta G27 Back of Faku investigation docket G28 Faku docket: Name en addresse van getuies G29 Druktelegram GONIWE EXHIBITS: FILE 2 G30 Letter from Wagenaar to Col Du 'Plessis, dated 5 February 1993 G31 Letter from Wagenaar to Col Du Plessis, dated 2 March 1993 G32 McCuen mimeo G33 Joubert affidavit and CCB document G34 Original damaged Katzen documents G35 Katzen: Glossary G36 Katzen: List of names G37 G38 Letter from Col Du Plessis to commanding officer, EP Command G39 Note regarding Du Plessis’ absence G40 Luus affidavit G41 Du Plessis evidence before commission G42 Letter from Maj-Gen Holomisa to State President G43 Du Plessis statement to New Nation G44 New Nation 8 - 14 May G4S Bank account: Du Plessis G46 'Verwyder’ documents G47 Diagram: Rewo oorlog G4S Bank document: Du Plessis G49 Letter from Col Du Plessis to Cyril Ramaphosa G50 Bevelskrif: Van der Westhuizen (Pligstaat) G51 Curriculum vitae: Van der Westhuizen G52 Plan: offices of EP Command G53 Verslag deur Botha Marais dated 3 February 1985 G54 Pauw: Heart of the whore extract G55 OPGBS minutes: 23 February 1984 G56 Dictionary of military terms G57 Heitman - article (Militaria) G58 Kort kursus in - strategie vir amptenare G59 Lesing 10 G60 Minutes of PE GIS meeting: 1985-05-30 G61 New Nation 30 April - 7 May 1985 G62 The Undeclared War G63 Verplasing Nr S163373E Sersant F.Z. Koni G64 Oor- en verplasing Nr S163373E Sersant F.Z. Koni : vanaf Veiligheidstak, Cradock (BP 1801) na die Uniformtak, Cradock (BP 1801) G65 Ontlsag weens mediese ongeskiktheid : NR S163373E Konstabel F.Z. Koni G66 Memo: Verplasing : W66950H Sers G.H. Lourentz G67 Diensbeeindiging rekord Konstabel Elizabeth van Zyl G68 Mediese iname verslag G69 Intydese Persal Verslag: W A Roux G70 Oor- en verplasing : W86689T Adjudant-offisier W A Roux : vanaf Uniformtak, Cradock (BP 1801) na die Veiligheidstak, Cradock (BP 1801) G71A Besonderhede van voertuig G71B Vervanging: motorcar SAP 48549N G71C Vervanging: motorcar SAP 48549N G72 Ondersoekdagboek
- Full Text:
The Argus: Mandela, the road to freedom
- Cruywagen, Dennis, Drysdale, Andrew
- Authors: Cruywagen, Dennis , Drysdale, Andrew
- Date: 1990-02-06
- Subjects: Mandela, Nelson, 1918-2013 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1948-1994 , Apartheid -- South Africa , Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76128 , vital:30509
- Description: Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy. , Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990 , Exclusive Part 1
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990-02-06
- Authors: Cruywagen, Dennis , Drysdale, Andrew
- Date: 1990-02-06
- Subjects: Mandela, Nelson, 1918-2013 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1948-1994 , Apartheid -- South Africa , Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76128 , vital:30509
- Description: Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy. , Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990 , Exclusive Part 1
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990-02-06
Heroines of the struggle, Vol 1: women must claim their rights
- Authors: COSATU , Matlala, William
- Date: 1990-06
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/105203 , vital:32477
- Description: The booklet serves as a commemoration to the heroines and veterans of the struggle. The brave women of the struggle, women who hold knife from its sharpest edge. Freedom cannot be achieved unless women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression. The booklet is the product of COSATU Archives in partnership with Rosa Luxemburg. , The information is compiled by NANDIPAMITI (COSATU Archivist) pictures by William Matlala and COSATU Photo Archive
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990-06
- Authors: COSATU , Matlala, William
- Date: 1990-06
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , pamphlet
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/105203 , vital:32477
- Description: The booklet serves as a commemoration to the heroines and veterans of the struggle. The brave women of the struggle, women who hold knife from its sharpest edge. Freedom cannot be achieved unless women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression. The booklet is the product of COSATU Archives in partnership with Rosa Luxemburg. , The information is compiled by NANDIPAMITI (COSATU Archivist) pictures by William Matlala and COSATU Photo Archive
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1990-06