“But we are shying all of us away, from that thing”: the Coronavirus Pandemic and the crisis of teenage pregnancies in Kenya
- Authors: Kipury, Siraiyion Soinda
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/465989 , vital:76674
- Description: This thesis historicises the post-colonial discourse on teenage pregnancy in Kenya. The coronavirus pandemic lockdowns in 2020 led to an increase in sexual violence perpetrated largely against teenage girls, resulting in pregnancy. This crisis revealed that the current discourse has created silence around sex and rape. It therefore does not consider the circumstances surrounding the pregnancies of teenage girls and for that reason perpetuates stereotypes of them being poor, irresponsible, dropouts. It finds that these ideas materialise in the form of adolescent sexual and reproductive health legislation which has real effects on pregnant teenage girls. Through a lack of law and policy enforcement, the discourse legitimises itself in a cyclic fashion. It argues that understanding the way the discourse has perpetuated itself from the past into the present is key to transforming this legislation and therefore their experiences. It uses an Oral History methodology to centre the perspectives of women who had teenage pregnancies in the past, and uses their stories to develop an understanding of how the discourse functions. It identifies news media and legislation as two major sites of discourse, carrying out an analysis of the language and content exhibited to observe the way cultural stereotypes around teenage pregnancy are preserved and re-created. It draws parallels between past and present sexual and reproductive health laws (1963-2020) to demonstrate the longevity of gendered and misogynistic ideologies surrounding women’s sexuality. It finds that language, blame/shame, and exclusion are the means through which the discourse has impressed itself upon Kenyan society throughout the post-colonial period. This thesis concludes that becoming aware of these means renders the discourse abnormal and unnatural, therefore creating the possibility of opening it up to change. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Kipury, Siraiyion Soinda
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/465989 , vital:76674
- Description: This thesis historicises the post-colonial discourse on teenage pregnancy in Kenya. The coronavirus pandemic lockdowns in 2020 led to an increase in sexual violence perpetrated largely against teenage girls, resulting in pregnancy. This crisis revealed that the current discourse has created silence around sex and rape. It therefore does not consider the circumstances surrounding the pregnancies of teenage girls and for that reason perpetuates stereotypes of them being poor, irresponsible, dropouts. It finds that these ideas materialise in the form of adolescent sexual and reproductive health legislation which has real effects on pregnant teenage girls. Through a lack of law and policy enforcement, the discourse legitimises itself in a cyclic fashion. It argues that understanding the way the discourse has perpetuated itself from the past into the present is key to transforming this legislation and therefore their experiences. It uses an Oral History methodology to centre the perspectives of women who had teenage pregnancies in the past, and uses their stories to develop an understanding of how the discourse functions. It identifies news media and legislation as two major sites of discourse, carrying out an analysis of the language and content exhibited to observe the way cultural stereotypes around teenage pregnancy are preserved and re-created. It draws parallels between past and present sexual and reproductive health laws (1963-2020) to demonstrate the longevity of gendered and misogynistic ideologies surrounding women’s sexuality. It finds that language, blame/shame, and exclusion are the means through which the discourse has impressed itself upon Kenyan society throughout the post-colonial period. This thesis concludes that becoming aware of these means renders the discourse abnormal and unnatural, therefore creating the possibility of opening it up to change. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The contentious relationship between feminist scholarship and university sexual violence policies: 1980-2021
- Authors: Roberts, Lily May
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Sexual assault South Africa History , Women college students Crimes against South Africa , Feminism and higher education South Africa , Educational leadership South Africa , Education, Higher Administration
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425267 , vital:72224
- Description: This thesis tracks the historically contentious relationship between feminist scholarship and university sexual violence policies. It examines the rise of the managerial university in South Africa, and the overlapping development of sexual violence policies through feminist activism from the early 1990s. Through an examination of the sexual violence policies of the University of Cape Town, the University of the Witwatersrand, Rhodes University, Stellenbosch University, and the University of the Western Cape, this thesis argues that these policies are aimed at ‘managing’ the process of reporting, rather than dismantling the broader structures – both within the university and society as a whole – that lead to and enable sexual violence. In this way, sexual violence policies are governed by a managerial discourse, limiting the possibility of addressing the dismantling of structures and discourses that perpetuate sexual violence, which, as I argue, is fundamentally opposed to the intellectual and political project of feminist scholarship from which these sexual violence policies initially emerged. However, this thesis also argues that feminist scholarship is not immune to the influence of managerialism, as discourses of efficiency and effectiveness have shaped Gender and Women’s Studies, where feminist scholarship is often located. I use the #RUReferenceList protests that drew on black feminist scholarship and came under managerial control as an example of the contentious relationship between managerialism and feminist activism. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Roberts, Lily May
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Sexual assault South Africa History , Women college students Crimes against South Africa , Feminism and higher education South Africa , Educational leadership South Africa , Education, Higher Administration
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425267 , vital:72224
- Description: This thesis tracks the historically contentious relationship between feminist scholarship and university sexual violence policies. It examines the rise of the managerial university in South Africa, and the overlapping development of sexual violence policies through feminist activism from the early 1990s. Through an examination of the sexual violence policies of the University of Cape Town, the University of the Witwatersrand, Rhodes University, Stellenbosch University, and the University of the Western Cape, this thesis argues that these policies are aimed at ‘managing’ the process of reporting, rather than dismantling the broader structures – both within the university and society as a whole – that lead to and enable sexual violence. In this way, sexual violence policies are governed by a managerial discourse, limiting the possibility of addressing the dismantling of structures and discourses that perpetuate sexual violence, which, as I argue, is fundamentally opposed to the intellectual and political project of feminist scholarship from which these sexual violence policies initially emerged. However, this thesis also argues that feminist scholarship is not immune to the influence of managerialism, as discourses of efficiency and effectiveness have shaped Gender and Women’s Studies, where feminist scholarship is often located. I use the #RUReferenceList protests that drew on black feminist scholarship and came under managerial control as an example of the contentious relationship between managerialism and feminist activism. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Saul Msane: friend or foe of the people? The life of the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries South African politician and journalist
- Authors: Mokoatsi, Thapelo
- Date: 2023-03-30
- Subjects: Saul Msane , Elite (Social sciences) , African National Congress , Politicians South Africa Biography , Political dispute , Abantu-Batho , Enemy of the people
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/409799 , vital:70631 , DOI 10.21504/10962/409802
- Description: Saul Msane was a prominent founding member of the ANC and an active journalist and editor of the ANC newspaper Abantu-Batho. His career generated controversy. Towards the end of his life, he had a feud with his colleagues in the African National Congress (henceforth Congress) that led to him being labelled isitha sabantu, “the enemy of the people” for his refusal to support the Shilling strike of 1918, an accusation which was retracted a year after his death in 1919. The label of isitha sabantu levelled against Msane, had the effect of ending his political prominence in the Transvaal, forcing him to relocate to kwaNongoma where he died shortly thereafter. Msane’s years in the Congress amounted to about seven years, between 1912, the founding of the Congress, and the demise of his career in 1919. Msane’s seven years in Congress were characterised by controversies, clashes, and conflicts owing to his perceived elitism. In Congress historiography Msane is an obscure and elusive figure, he lives here and there in a footnote, as a supporting statement or a mentioned in mere passing. His marginalisation reveals some of the gaps within the history of Congress and invites us to write about those who did not emerge from the history of Congress necessarily as heroes. This thesis sets out to write a biography of Msane and document his political career beyond that one moment in which he came to be “isitha sabantu”. While Msane’s Congress career was comparably short and filled with tensions, an archive of his life exists. This study is an exploration of that archive to reconstruct the biography of a once prominent leader who dies in political exile from the Congress movement. This thesis sets out to do two key things in relation to reconstructing Msane’s life: Firstly, it reconstructs the longer biography of Msane’s political life by drawing on the existing archives, and thus filling in the South African historical record in that regard. Secondly, at the broader conceptual and historiographical level, it argues that the controversies surrounding Msane’s persona and character illustrate that conceptions of elitism and the nature of being ‘elite’ were key to the politics of Congress at the time. , U-Saul Msane wayengomunye wabasunguli beqembu lika-African National Congress (uKhongolose) futhi eyIntatheli nomhleli wephephandaba i-Abantu-Batho. Umsebenzi ayewenza waba nezingqinamba eziningi ngokwezepolitiki. Ngasekugcineni kwempilo yakhe waba nokungazwani nabaholi ayesebenza nabo kuKhongolose okwadala ukuba abizwe ngesitha sabantu ngenxa yokuba engavumelananga nesiteleka sango-1918 lapho abasebenzi babelwela ukukhushulelwa amaholo. Leligama lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu lahoxiswa ngo 1919 sekudlule unyaka engasekho emhlabeni. Lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu kwalilimaza igama lakhe kwezepolitiki e-Transvaal waze wathutha wayohlala kwaNongoma nokuyilapho ashonela khona. Iminyaka uMsane ayisebenzele uKhongolose yaba isikhombisa, kusukela ekusungulweni kwayo ngo 1912 kuze kufike ekulimaleni komsebenzi wakhe wezepolitiki ngo 1919. Kuleminyaka eyisikhombisa umsebenzi wakhe kuKhongolose wawubhekene nokugxekwa okukhulu nokubukeka njengomuntu onokuzenza ngcono kunabanye abantu. Emlandweni kaKhongolose uMsane akavezwa ngendlela emfanele, kukhulunywa ngaye kudlulwa nje. Lokunganakwa kukaMsane emlandweni kaKhongolose kusiphoqa ukuba sibhale ngabaholi abangaqakanjiswa. Lolucwaningo luveza umlando kaMsane ngokujulile ngaphezu kwangalesikhathi abizwa khona ngesitha sabantu. Noma umsebenzi kaMsane kuKhongolose wabamfushane kunabanye futhi ugcwele izinto kodwa noko ingobo yawo ikhona. Lolucwaningo lucubungula lengobo ukuhlaziya nokubhala kabusha umlando wengqalabutho eyagcina ishonela ngaphandle kombutho kaKhongolose. Loluphando lifisa ukwenza izinto ezimbili: Okokuqala, ibhala kabusha umlando omude wezepolitiki kaMsane kusetshenziswa ulwazi olukhona. Loku kuzosiza ukunothisa umlando wezepolitiki wezwe laseNingizimu Afrika. Okwesibili, ezingeni lobunzululwazi, lolucwaningo luveza ukuthi izinkinga uMsane ahlangabezana nazo zazisukele endleleni okwakubukwa ngayo indaba yokucwasana ngazinga empilo abantu, kwakuyinto ejulile kuKhongolose ukubukeka kwabanye sengathi bazenza ngcono. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-03-30
- Authors: Mokoatsi, Thapelo
- Date: 2023-03-30
- Subjects: Saul Msane , Elite (Social sciences) , African National Congress , Politicians South Africa Biography , Political dispute , Abantu-Batho , Enemy of the people
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/409799 , vital:70631 , DOI 10.21504/10962/409802
- Description: Saul Msane was a prominent founding member of the ANC and an active journalist and editor of the ANC newspaper Abantu-Batho. His career generated controversy. Towards the end of his life, he had a feud with his colleagues in the African National Congress (henceforth Congress) that led to him being labelled isitha sabantu, “the enemy of the people” for his refusal to support the Shilling strike of 1918, an accusation which was retracted a year after his death in 1919. The label of isitha sabantu levelled against Msane, had the effect of ending his political prominence in the Transvaal, forcing him to relocate to kwaNongoma where he died shortly thereafter. Msane’s years in the Congress amounted to about seven years, between 1912, the founding of the Congress, and the demise of his career in 1919. Msane’s seven years in Congress were characterised by controversies, clashes, and conflicts owing to his perceived elitism. In Congress historiography Msane is an obscure and elusive figure, he lives here and there in a footnote, as a supporting statement or a mentioned in mere passing. His marginalisation reveals some of the gaps within the history of Congress and invites us to write about those who did not emerge from the history of Congress necessarily as heroes. This thesis sets out to write a biography of Msane and document his political career beyond that one moment in which he came to be “isitha sabantu”. While Msane’s Congress career was comparably short and filled with tensions, an archive of his life exists. This study is an exploration of that archive to reconstruct the biography of a once prominent leader who dies in political exile from the Congress movement. This thesis sets out to do two key things in relation to reconstructing Msane’s life: Firstly, it reconstructs the longer biography of Msane’s political life by drawing on the existing archives, and thus filling in the South African historical record in that regard. Secondly, at the broader conceptual and historiographical level, it argues that the controversies surrounding Msane’s persona and character illustrate that conceptions of elitism and the nature of being ‘elite’ were key to the politics of Congress at the time. , U-Saul Msane wayengomunye wabasunguli beqembu lika-African National Congress (uKhongolose) futhi eyIntatheli nomhleli wephephandaba i-Abantu-Batho. Umsebenzi ayewenza waba nezingqinamba eziningi ngokwezepolitiki. Ngasekugcineni kwempilo yakhe waba nokungazwani nabaholi ayesebenza nabo kuKhongolose okwadala ukuba abizwe ngesitha sabantu ngenxa yokuba engavumelananga nesiteleka sango-1918 lapho abasebenzi babelwela ukukhushulelwa amaholo. Leligama lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu lahoxiswa ngo 1919 sekudlule unyaka engasekho emhlabeni. Lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu kwalilimaza igama lakhe kwezepolitiki e-Transvaal waze wathutha wayohlala kwaNongoma nokuyilapho ashonela khona. Iminyaka uMsane ayisebenzele uKhongolose yaba isikhombisa, kusukela ekusungulweni kwayo ngo 1912 kuze kufike ekulimaleni komsebenzi wakhe wezepolitiki ngo 1919. Kuleminyaka eyisikhombisa umsebenzi wakhe kuKhongolose wawubhekene nokugxekwa okukhulu nokubukeka njengomuntu onokuzenza ngcono kunabanye abantu. Emlandweni kaKhongolose uMsane akavezwa ngendlela emfanele, kukhulunywa ngaye kudlulwa nje. Lokunganakwa kukaMsane emlandweni kaKhongolose kusiphoqa ukuba sibhale ngabaholi abangaqakanjiswa. Lolucwaningo luveza umlando kaMsane ngokujulile ngaphezu kwangalesikhathi abizwa khona ngesitha sabantu. Noma umsebenzi kaMsane kuKhongolose wabamfushane kunabanye futhi ugcwele izinto kodwa noko ingobo yawo ikhona. Lolucwaningo lucubungula lengobo ukuhlaziya nokubhala kabusha umlando wengqalabutho eyagcina ishonela ngaphandle kombutho kaKhongolose. Loluphando lifisa ukwenza izinto ezimbili: Okokuqala, ibhala kabusha umlando omude wezepolitiki kaMsane kusetshenziswa ulwazi olukhona. Loku kuzosiza ukunothisa umlando wezepolitiki wezwe laseNingizimu Afrika. Okwesibili, ezingeni lobunzululwazi, lolucwaningo luveza ukuthi izinkinga uMsane ahlangabezana nazo zazisukele endleleni okwakubukwa ngayo indaba yokucwasana ngazinga empilo abantu, kwakuyinto ejulile kuKhongolose ukubukeka kwabanye sengathi bazenza ngcono. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-03-30
A social history of midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria, 1893 - 1960
- Olorunnibe, Folaranmi Flourish
- Authors: Olorunnibe, Folaranmi Flourish
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Midwifery Nigeria Ibadan , Nigeria History 1900-1960 , Nigeria Politics and government To 1960 , Nigeria Social conditions To 1960 , Maternal health services Nigeria Ibadan , Ibadan (Nigeria) Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408716 , vital:70519 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408716
- Description: This thesis examines the introduction and development of western medical practices in colonial spaces with particular reference to midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria, from 1893 to 1960. This has become necessary because of the importance placed on childbirth and maternal healthcare in the twentieth century. The trends and changes in midwifery and midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan are seen as reflections of other transformations in British African colonies at large. The study begins with a detailed historical analysis of the major metropolitan and local factors that informed the introduction and development of Western obstetrics in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria. It proceeds to examine the development of Western midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan; highlighting the contributions of the Ibadan people to the development of Western midwifery practices and emphasizing policies affecting development, and implementation of Western obstetrics. The thesis goes further to reveal the prejudiced nature of colonial medical policies, and the ways it shaped various responses especially from rural folks who were particularly marginalized since the 1920s when maternal healthcare policies was implemented in the urban areas till the 1950s when a reformed policy for rural medical service scheme was introduced to the rural folks. Thus, influencing the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of western obstetrics alongside African traditional midwifery practices. The idea is to demonstrate in this thesis the extent to which the precincts in colonial medical policies, most especially the establishment of maternity hospitals, clinics and dispensaries, and the institutionalization of western obstetrics, inspired critical and ingenious responses from colonial doctors, colonial officials, the missionaries, patients, African trained midwives, traditional medical practitioners and the African population in general. Placing all of these historical events within a wider context, this thesis borrows insights from the social history of medicine in an attempt to reconstruct the colonial medical practices in Ibadan, Nigeria, through the sites of midwifery practices and maternal welfare services from 1893 to 1960. This is in addition to its dependence on a comparatively rich, but skewed historical evidence, including a plethora of annual medical reports, official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Ibadan and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from oral testimonies, newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Ibadan. In exploring this historical evidence, the thesis reveals very interesting details of colonial perceptions about African health and their underlining motives for introducing western medical ideas, the various medical schemes and policies used in driving colonial interest and the ways Africans imagined, re-imagined, and appropriated Western medical practices. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Olorunnibe, Folaranmi Flourish
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Midwifery Nigeria Ibadan , Nigeria History 1900-1960 , Nigeria Politics and government To 1960 , Nigeria Social conditions To 1960 , Maternal health services Nigeria Ibadan , Ibadan (Nigeria) Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408716 , vital:70519 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408716
- Description: This thesis examines the introduction and development of western medical practices in colonial spaces with particular reference to midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria, from 1893 to 1960. This has become necessary because of the importance placed on childbirth and maternal healthcare in the twentieth century. The trends and changes in midwifery and midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan are seen as reflections of other transformations in British African colonies at large. The study begins with a detailed historical analysis of the major metropolitan and local factors that informed the introduction and development of Western obstetrics in colonial Ibadan, Nigeria. It proceeds to examine the development of Western midwifery practices in colonial Ibadan; highlighting the contributions of the Ibadan people to the development of Western midwifery practices and emphasizing policies affecting development, and implementation of Western obstetrics. The thesis goes further to reveal the prejudiced nature of colonial medical policies, and the ways it shaped various responses especially from rural folks who were particularly marginalized since the 1920s when maternal healthcare policies was implemented in the urban areas till the 1950s when a reformed policy for rural medical service scheme was introduced to the rural folks. Thus, influencing the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of western obstetrics alongside African traditional midwifery practices. The idea is to demonstrate in this thesis the extent to which the precincts in colonial medical policies, most especially the establishment of maternity hospitals, clinics and dispensaries, and the institutionalization of western obstetrics, inspired critical and ingenious responses from colonial doctors, colonial officials, the missionaries, patients, African trained midwives, traditional medical practitioners and the African population in general. Placing all of these historical events within a wider context, this thesis borrows insights from the social history of medicine in an attempt to reconstruct the colonial medical practices in Ibadan, Nigeria, through the sites of midwifery practices and maternal welfare services from 1893 to 1960. This is in addition to its dependence on a comparatively rich, but skewed historical evidence, including a plethora of annual medical reports, official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Ibadan and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from oral testimonies, newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Ibadan. In exploring this historical evidence, the thesis reveals very interesting details of colonial perceptions about African health and their underlining motives for introducing western medical ideas, the various medical schemes and policies used in driving colonial interest and the ways Africans imagined, re-imagined, and appropriated Western medical practices. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Colonial displacements and African coping strategies: The experience of BaTonga of Binga, Zimbabwe, 1956-2008
- Authors: Dhodho, Codelia Govha
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Tonga (Zambezi people) Refugees , Subsistence farming Zambezi River Valley , Hunger Zambezi River Valley , Food security Zambezi River Valley , Adaptability (Psychology) , Food relief Zambezi River Valley , Non-governmental organizations , Kariba Dam (Zambia and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/327642 , vital:61139 , DOI 10.21504/10962/327642
- Description: This study examines the challenges faced by BaTonga in livelihood reconstruction after involuntary displacement and resettlement from the Zambezi valley to pave way for the Kariba dam reservoir. It shows how they were forcibly evicted without compensation because of the racist policies of Southern Rhodesia. Their resettlement into an arid region infested with marauding elephants, malaria and tsetse fly undermined their complex livelihoods and eroded their self-sufficiency, but the study argues that they were active and resilient agents who adopted complex coping strategies. It shows how they had to adapt to dry-land farming and counter the effects of wildlife which plundered their crops and managed to secure the harvest in the drought-prone region. The study shows that although they adopted precarious livelihoods, they managed to survive under extreme circumstances for decades without any external assistance until the coming of NGOs who began to distribute free food from 1982. It argues that prolonged distribution of emergence food aid may not have been necessary, but its coming for almost three decades largely served political interests of both the NGOs and their governments. This perpetuated poverty as BaTonga also manipulated its distribution as a coping strategy against fragile livelihoods. This caused dependency which further plunged them into chronic food insecurity because they abandoned their traditional coping strategies. The study argues that both the colonial and postcolonial government as well as NGOs failed to address the root causes of livelihood insecurity in Binga for the five decades under study. It is therefore the contention of this study that the problem of food insecurity in Binga was not only an issue of recurring drought but was deeply rooted and pervasive due to multiple complex factors which made it difficult for the people to establish sustainable food production after displacement. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Dhodho, Codelia Govha
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Tonga (Zambezi people) Refugees , Subsistence farming Zambezi River Valley , Hunger Zambezi River Valley , Food security Zambezi River Valley , Adaptability (Psychology) , Food relief Zambezi River Valley , Non-governmental organizations , Kariba Dam (Zambia and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/327642 , vital:61139 , DOI 10.21504/10962/327642
- Description: This study examines the challenges faced by BaTonga in livelihood reconstruction after involuntary displacement and resettlement from the Zambezi valley to pave way for the Kariba dam reservoir. It shows how they were forcibly evicted without compensation because of the racist policies of Southern Rhodesia. Their resettlement into an arid region infested with marauding elephants, malaria and tsetse fly undermined their complex livelihoods and eroded their self-sufficiency, but the study argues that they were active and resilient agents who adopted complex coping strategies. It shows how they had to adapt to dry-land farming and counter the effects of wildlife which plundered their crops and managed to secure the harvest in the drought-prone region. The study shows that although they adopted precarious livelihoods, they managed to survive under extreme circumstances for decades without any external assistance until the coming of NGOs who began to distribute free food from 1982. It argues that prolonged distribution of emergence food aid may not have been necessary, but its coming for almost three decades largely served political interests of both the NGOs and their governments. This perpetuated poverty as BaTonga also manipulated its distribution as a coping strategy against fragile livelihoods. This caused dependency which further plunged them into chronic food insecurity because they abandoned their traditional coping strategies. The study argues that both the colonial and postcolonial government as well as NGOs failed to address the root causes of livelihood insecurity in Binga for the five decades under study. It is therefore the contention of this study that the problem of food insecurity in Binga was not only an issue of recurring drought but was deeply rooted and pervasive due to multiple complex factors which made it difficult for the people to establish sustainable food production after displacement. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Negotiating marginalisation: A socio-economic history of the Kalanga of Mangwe, Zimbabwe, 1940-2015
- Authors: Nyathi, Innocent
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Marginalisation , Kalanga (African people) Race identity Zimbabwe , Ethnicity Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe Economic conditions , Zimbabwe Social conditions , Kalanga language (Botswana and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408705 , vital:70518 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408705
- Description: The thesis explores the relationship between ethnicity, marginalisation, and survival mechanisms amongst the Kalanga people of Mangwe (southwestern Zimbabwe) from the 1940s up until the turn of the 21st century. The study showed how the Kalanga of Mangwe have used ethnicity as a concept to not only claim access to resources but also develop alternative survival strategies that help them seek to navigate their experiences of marginalisation by both the state and the hegemonic position of the Ndebele who dominate the region politically and linguistically. Using evidence from activities such as cross border migration and the mopane economy, I showed how the Kalanga express their displeasure at being dominated through engagement, as was shown in their attempt to fight for their language, for example in the 1940s through regionalised Kalanga organisations as the Kalanga Language and Cultural Development Society (KLCDS), to disengagement such as migration and illegal informal cross border trade. Using ‘conviviality’ and ‘the everyday’, as well as borrowing from the Race Relations Theory (RRT) of Robert Ezra Park as theoretical underpinnings, I demonstrated how amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe ethnic identity can lead to competition for resources, which in turn leads to marginalisation and discrimination which influences their social, political and economic choices that may in turn reinforce ethnic identity in a cycle like scenario. Everyday economic and social activities amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe that appear mundane and ordinary to an uninterested observer, help shape the everyday discourse of the Kalanga as they navigate marginalisation. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Nyathi, Innocent
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Marginalisation , Kalanga (African people) Race identity Zimbabwe , Ethnicity Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe Economic conditions , Zimbabwe Social conditions , Kalanga language (Botswana and Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/408705 , vital:70518 , DOI 10.21504/10962/408705
- Description: The thesis explores the relationship between ethnicity, marginalisation, and survival mechanisms amongst the Kalanga people of Mangwe (southwestern Zimbabwe) from the 1940s up until the turn of the 21st century. The study showed how the Kalanga of Mangwe have used ethnicity as a concept to not only claim access to resources but also develop alternative survival strategies that help them seek to navigate their experiences of marginalisation by both the state and the hegemonic position of the Ndebele who dominate the region politically and linguistically. Using evidence from activities such as cross border migration and the mopane economy, I showed how the Kalanga express their displeasure at being dominated through engagement, as was shown in their attempt to fight for their language, for example in the 1940s through regionalised Kalanga organisations as the Kalanga Language and Cultural Development Society (KLCDS), to disengagement such as migration and illegal informal cross border trade. Using ‘conviviality’ and ‘the everyday’, as well as borrowing from the Race Relations Theory (RRT) of Robert Ezra Park as theoretical underpinnings, I demonstrated how amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe ethnic identity can lead to competition for resources, which in turn leads to marginalisation and discrimination which influences their social, political and economic choices that may in turn reinforce ethnic identity in a cycle like scenario. Everyday economic and social activities amongst the Kalanga of Mangwe that appear mundane and ordinary to an uninterested observer, help shape the everyday discourse of the Kalanga as they navigate marginalisation. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Youth, political violence and ZANU-PF politics in Zimbabwe, c.1950-2018
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
A biography on inkosi Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli as an African intellectual
- Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Authors: Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 , Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 Political and social views , Africans Intellectual life , South Africa History , South Africa Politics and government , African National Congress Biography , Apartheid South Africa , Political activists South Africa Biography , Intellectuals Political activity South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294493 , vital:57226
- Description: [Excerpt taken from Introduction] The purpose of this study is to take a look at one of these African leaders, inkosi Albert Luthuli through a biographical lens to assess whether he should be recognised as an African intellectual. Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu states that inkosi Luthuli is recognised as the father of South Africa’s non-racialism. He used his moral authority in a historic fashion to influence the liberation movement to adopt non-violent resistance. During his time as President-General, he became the beacon of non-violent resistance. As the president of the liberation organisation, he delivered speeches that steered the African National Congress (ANC) and the liberation movement when the State escalated its oppression against Africans. The State retaliated by deposing him as an elected Chief, imprisoned him, imposed multiple bans on him in attempts to silence him. His intellect proved to be a threat to the State. He spoke out boldly against the apartheid state and advocated for chiefs, African people, African women, sugar farmers, and all oppressed racial groups. Inkosi Luthuli used his speeches to deliver political concepts like non-racialism, multiracialism, African nationalism and democracy into the public space. He cemented ANC’s cooperation policy that created the environment for the existence of the Congress Alliance that produced the Freedom Charter. He spoke out against the oppression of not just South Africans but Africa and all oppressed groups internationally. He illustrated that he possessed geopolitics that would gain the attention of the world. He illustrated his geopolitics through his internationalism philosophy gained the international community’s attention. Inkosi Luthuli was revered and respected by his Groutville community, the African community, South Africans of all racial groups and the international community. His impact can be seen through him being the first African-born Nobel Peace Prize recipient. He pushed for the international community to place economic sanctions and believed that international sanctions were the appropriate non-violent method the global community could get involved in fighting apartheid.5 The purpose of this study will be to explore how a Christian Zulu Chief’s intellectual thinking was able to move South Africa towards a multiracial democracy using non-violent resistance as a strategy to gain Africa and the world’s attention—looking at him from the vantage point of being an African intellectual. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 , Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 Political and social views , Africans Intellectual life , South Africa History , South Africa Politics and government , African National Congress Biography , Apartheid South Africa , Political activists South Africa Biography , Intellectuals Political activity South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294493 , vital:57226
- Description: [Excerpt taken from Introduction] The purpose of this study is to take a look at one of these African leaders, inkosi Albert Luthuli through a biographical lens to assess whether he should be recognised as an African intellectual. Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu states that inkosi Luthuli is recognised as the father of South Africa’s non-racialism. He used his moral authority in a historic fashion to influence the liberation movement to adopt non-violent resistance. During his time as President-General, he became the beacon of non-violent resistance. As the president of the liberation organisation, he delivered speeches that steered the African National Congress (ANC) and the liberation movement when the State escalated its oppression against Africans. The State retaliated by deposing him as an elected Chief, imprisoned him, imposed multiple bans on him in attempts to silence him. His intellect proved to be a threat to the State. He spoke out boldly against the apartheid state and advocated for chiefs, African people, African women, sugar farmers, and all oppressed racial groups. Inkosi Luthuli used his speeches to deliver political concepts like non-racialism, multiracialism, African nationalism and democracy into the public space. He cemented ANC’s cooperation policy that created the environment for the existence of the Congress Alliance that produced the Freedom Charter. He spoke out against the oppression of not just South Africans but Africa and all oppressed groups internationally. He illustrated that he possessed geopolitics that would gain the attention of the world. He illustrated his geopolitics through his internationalism philosophy gained the international community’s attention. Inkosi Luthuli was revered and respected by his Groutville community, the African community, South Africans of all racial groups and the international community. His impact can be seen through him being the first African-born Nobel Peace Prize recipient. He pushed for the international community to place economic sanctions and believed that international sanctions were the appropriate non-violent method the global community could get involved in fighting apartheid.5 The purpose of this study will be to explore how a Christian Zulu Chief’s intellectual thinking was able to move South Africa towards a multiracial democracy using non-violent resistance as a strategy to gain Africa and the world’s attention—looking at him from the vantage point of being an African intellectual. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
Umzi ka Mama Family property transfer practices and the historical significance of title deeds to African female heads of household in Fingo Village: a participatory theatre approach
- Authors: Hellemann, Phemelo Cordelia
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Public history South Africa Eastern Cape , Oral history South Africa Eastern Cape , Women Housing South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminism Africa , Apartheid Law and legislation South Africa , Participatory theater South Africa Eastern Cape , Playback theater , Theater and society South Africa Eastern Cape , History Citizen participation , South Africa. Group Areas Act, 1950
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294537 , vital:57230 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/294537
- Description: Many everyday stories and experiences of African women remain underrepresented and undocumented. For example, the omission of Fingo Village women’s names from official deeds records silenced their voices. African women faced gender and racial discrimination that denied them fundamental human rights and limited their participation in urban life. Title deed records constitute one type of public record where African women’s names were omitted for centuries by the colonial and apartheid governments. Under apartheid, African women occupied the social status of minors; hence, the government denied them urban land rights. This African feminist study enlists narratives of a sample of seven African female heads of households residing in Fingo Village who are also property owners. Fingo Village is an atypical environment where African people had a rare legal advantage of owning title deeds dating back to 1855. This study employed an interdisciplinary approach by mixing oral history methodology and applied theatre methods to record, interpret and present Fingo Village women’s narratives of family property inheritance and the significance of title deed documentation in the suburb. The multiple technique approach created opportunities for authentic dialogue between the researcher and the participants beyond the inherent limitations of public history oral interviews. The traditional oral history interview and the participatory theatre methods helped uncover unconventional practices in family property relations. Though customary transfers of family homes to custodians were prevalent, title deed registration of family property was also acknowledged as a vital practice that empowered women legally. The researcher used participatory theatre techniques inspired by playback, image and forum theatre to enhance the researcher and participants’ relationship. These methods encouraged the researcher and respondents’ shared authority as they embarked on an extended participatory research project. In this regard, through dialogical and performance-based activities, the participants and the researcher became co-creators of untold Fingo Village stories. Moreover, the theatre techniques became interpretation and analysis tools that ensured that the participants’ untold stories were well represented. The first phase of the research involved engaging with the literature about the title deeds history of Fingo Village and conducting oral history interviews that served as data. In the second phase, the interviews were analysed and packaged in a documentary format. The third phase was a playback theatre inspired session in a 10-minute performance based on themes from the participants’ filmed interviews. Additionally, the performance was a catalyst for forum theatre activities that allowed the participants to interact with the performer and suggest solutions to the dilemma posed by the performer regarding family property use. The participants were decision-makers and family property relations experts within this imagined context. In the fourth phase, the image theatre adaptation and memory work activities were essential tools. The tools aided the visuals and information from an existing Fingo Village exhibition as additional resources that prompted dialogue and discussions. The exhibition encouraged participants to share their personal experiences and memories of the Group Areas Act (GAA) era. The findings showed that the GAA era saw many families revert to communal tenure practices as a strategy to evade forced sales; as such, this gave rise to undocumented family property transfers. Additionally, the findings revealed that though customary practices are often patriarchal, there are circumstances favouring women as the preferred family property custodian. These are embedded in the social status of women who are traditional healers, firstborn daughters, and those from families with just daughters. This study contributes to the growing literature that advocates for positive representation of African women’s stories by using active research methodologies that strengthen partnerships and shared authority between the researcher and the public. This methodology could inspire other researchers to explore theatre techniques to create more profound and meaningful engagements with their participants. The links to the video materials accompanying this thesis are provided on the contents page. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Hellemann, Phemelo Cordelia
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Public history South Africa Eastern Cape , Oral history South Africa Eastern Cape , Women Housing South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminism Africa , Apartheid Law and legislation South Africa , Participatory theater South Africa Eastern Cape , Playback theater , Theater and society South Africa Eastern Cape , History Citizen participation , South Africa. Group Areas Act, 1950
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294537 , vital:57230 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/294537
- Description: Many everyday stories and experiences of African women remain underrepresented and undocumented. For example, the omission of Fingo Village women’s names from official deeds records silenced their voices. African women faced gender and racial discrimination that denied them fundamental human rights and limited their participation in urban life. Title deed records constitute one type of public record where African women’s names were omitted for centuries by the colonial and apartheid governments. Under apartheid, African women occupied the social status of minors; hence, the government denied them urban land rights. This African feminist study enlists narratives of a sample of seven African female heads of households residing in Fingo Village who are also property owners. Fingo Village is an atypical environment where African people had a rare legal advantage of owning title deeds dating back to 1855. This study employed an interdisciplinary approach by mixing oral history methodology and applied theatre methods to record, interpret and present Fingo Village women’s narratives of family property inheritance and the significance of title deed documentation in the suburb. The multiple technique approach created opportunities for authentic dialogue between the researcher and the participants beyond the inherent limitations of public history oral interviews. The traditional oral history interview and the participatory theatre methods helped uncover unconventional practices in family property relations. Though customary transfers of family homes to custodians were prevalent, title deed registration of family property was also acknowledged as a vital practice that empowered women legally. The researcher used participatory theatre techniques inspired by playback, image and forum theatre to enhance the researcher and participants’ relationship. These methods encouraged the researcher and respondents’ shared authority as they embarked on an extended participatory research project. In this regard, through dialogical and performance-based activities, the participants and the researcher became co-creators of untold Fingo Village stories. Moreover, the theatre techniques became interpretation and analysis tools that ensured that the participants’ untold stories were well represented. The first phase of the research involved engaging with the literature about the title deeds history of Fingo Village and conducting oral history interviews that served as data. In the second phase, the interviews were analysed and packaged in a documentary format. The third phase was a playback theatre inspired session in a 10-minute performance based on themes from the participants’ filmed interviews. Additionally, the performance was a catalyst for forum theatre activities that allowed the participants to interact with the performer and suggest solutions to the dilemma posed by the performer regarding family property use. The participants were decision-makers and family property relations experts within this imagined context. In the fourth phase, the image theatre adaptation and memory work activities were essential tools. The tools aided the visuals and information from an existing Fingo Village exhibition as additional resources that prompted dialogue and discussions. The exhibition encouraged participants to share their personal experiences and memories of the Group Areas Act (GAA) era. The findings showed that the GAA era saw many families revert to communal tenure practices as a strategy to evade forced sales; as such, this gave rise to undocumented family property transfers. Additionally, the findings revealed that though customary practices are often patriarchal, there are circumstances favouring women as the preferred family property custodian. These are embedded in the social status of women who are traditional healers, firstborn daughters, and those from families with just daughters. This study contributes to the growing literature that advocates for positive representation of African women’s stories by using active research methodologies that strengthen partnerships and shared authority between the researcher and the public. This methodology could inspire other researchers to explore theatre techniques to create more profound and meaningful engagements with their participants. The links to the video materials accompanying this thesis are provided on the contents page. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
Student protests in South African universities with specific reference to Rhodes University (1970-1994)
- Authors: Gillam, Katherine Elaine
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Student movements South Africa Makhanda History , Students Political activity South Africa Makhanda , College students, Black Political activity South Africa Makhanda , Rhodes Must Fall , FeesMustFall , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Democratic transition
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/178457 , vital:42941
- Description: This thesis is about student protest at Rhodes University from 1970- 1994 It examines how student protests mirrored broader political and economic contexts in this period. Further this thesis also investigates the changes in student protest over the years. As democracy drew closer, student protests at Rhodes became less apparent. This thesis consults numerous sources which include books, articles, archives and extensive interviews. A significant aspect of this work is that the research on the Black Students Movement at Rhodes University has not been explored in detail, particularly in scholarly works. This thesis therefore contributes to the historiography of black student politics at a historically white university. It also explores the period of democratic transition in South Africa, where secondary issues such as gender and access came to the forefront of student protests. As democracy drew closer, student protests became infrequent on campus due to the changes anticipated under the newly elected democratic government. Despite sparse protests, black students remained sceptical of the democratic transition. The thesis uncovers that many issues were left unresolved which later resurfaced under the 2015 and 2016 #RhodesMustFall, #FeesMustFall and #RUReferenceList protests. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
- Authors: Gillam, Katherine Elaine
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Student movements South Africa Makhanda History , Students Political activity South Africa Makhanda , College students, Black Political activity South Africa Makhanda , Rhodes Must Fall , FeesMustFall , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Democratic transition
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/178457 , vital:42941
- Description: This thesis is about student protest at Rhodes University from 1970- 1994 It examines how student protests mirrored broader political and economic contexts in this period. Further this thesis also investigates the changes in student protest over the years. As democracy drew closer, student protests at Rhodes became less apparent. This thesis consults numerous sources which include books, articles, archives and extensive interviews. A significant aspect of this work is that the research on the Black Students Movement at Rhodes University has not been explored in detail, particularly in scholarly works. This thesis therefore contributes to the historiography of black student politics at a historically white university. It also explores the period of democratic transition in South Africa, where secondary issues such as gender and access came to the forefront of student protests. As democracy drew closer, student protests became infrequent on campus due to the changes anticipated under the newly elected democratic government. Despite sparse protests, black students remained sceptical of the democratic transition. The thesis uncovers that many issues were left unresolved which later resurfaced under the 2015 and 2016 #RhodesMustFall, #FeesMustFall and #RUReferenceList protests. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
An unsung dialogue: music, society and the history of The Flames
- Authors: Park, Duncan Keith
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: The Flames (Musical group) , Fataar, Steve , Durban (South Africa) -- History , Durban (South Africa) -- Race relations , Musical groups -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Durban , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1961-1978
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/169632 , vital:41780
- Description: This research aims to examine the relationship between music and social conditions within the context of apartheid . The focus area is the city of Durban, specifically 1960-1970. A case study of the multi-racial Durban-based band, The Flames 1963–1972) will be used to rigorously assess the extent to which social conditions and music can affect each other in both directions. This will also be the first coherent and historical narrative of the band, The Flames. As such, the thesis aims to make an original contribution to this field of music history, while it will provide the very first academic discussion of The Flames. South Africa during apartheid, with its racialised legislation provides an ideal context to scrutinize the effects (both potential and real) of music on social conditions. The Flames provide a particularly relevant case point; being a collective of “mixed-race” individuals classified as Coloured performing for a multi-racial fan- base. This means that at their concerts, audience members would have frequently been from a variety of different racial backgrounds. This would have been in direct contravention to the National Party‟s (NP) Separate Amenities Act as well as the policy of “separate development”, the cornerstone of apartheid. The thesis will firstly contextualise the research within the broader, global historical context, as well as in the existing theoretical literature which focuses on the relationship between music, politics and society. Firstly, this will entail a brief historical account of popular music around the world during the twentieth century. Through this we will observe both the ways in which the development and popularisation of various forms of popular music came to be shaped in a particular way, as well as the ways in which the public received this music. This will include an examination of positive responses to certain kinds of popular music which resonated and became popular with various sectors of society. Conversely, it will also closely examine the backlashes against these musical forms, and attempt to identify why certain sectors of the public were deeply opposed to particular kinds of popular music which may have been perceived to embody certain values and meanings. This will be conducted by studying various forms of popular music from the turn of the twentieth century into the early 1970s with a cross-cultural, global perspective, examining particular historical instances and existing theories relating to these instances. Chapter one will then shift from a global perspective and will situate the research within the South African musical context specifically. This will include an account of the development of South African popular music through the twentieth century in relation to the country's politics. Through examining this relationship, the dialogue between historical case studies and theoretical literature will continue, in which existing theories relating to the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed. This theoretical literature will be made use of in the final section of the paper in order to make sense of The Flames and their role in South African history. The second section of this thesis will focus on the socio-historical context of the city of Durban under apartheid. The author will contextualise the research through a narrative historical retelling of Durban‟s social history, focusing on both political and social public mobilisation and the role of cultural spaces and practices within these his torical moments and their relevant structures. Attention will be paid to the development of segregation and apartheid within Durban specifically, while racial relations will also be fo cused upon. This will provide the reader with the necessary background required in order to meaningfully understand how the band The Flames came into existence, became popular, and whether or not they had any meaningful effect on their historical context. The section on Durban's history will be followed by a brief account of Durban's Coloured community's history, as well as a discussion around Coloured identity more broadly within the South African context. This will be vital to the research due to the fact that the musicians of The Flames were classified as Coloured under apartheid, and such an historical background will be critical to understanding the social, political and economic context of the band. Finally, the thesis will end with the written history of The Flame . This final section will provide an account of The Flames' history in which the band will be made sense of within the context of Durban during apartheid, as well as within the context of South African music, and the globalised context of popular music. By situating the band within these three contexts, we can truly assess both how they were shaped by their contexts, and whether they had any effect on these contexts of which they were a part. In this section those existing theories around the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed and assessed in order to determine how useful a framework they may be for understanding popular music in certain historical contexts. In this way, the research aims to make a meaningful contribution to the study of music and its socio-political role throughout history, as well as to the broader understanding of Durban's history. Specifically, the role of music in Durban's history is being examined, and the researcher hopes that this work can begin to open up new discussions around the importance of studying music in Durban, and South Africa's history. Additionally, this thesis will open up a new area of research into a band which, until this point, has not been engaged with in the field of music history whatsoever. .
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Park, Duncan Keith
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: The Flames (Musical group) , Fataar, Steve , Durban (South Africa) -- History , Durban (South Africa) -- Race relations , Musical groups -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Durban , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1961-1978
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/169632 , vital:41780
- Description: This research aims to examine the relationship between music and social conditions within the context of apartheid . The focus area is the city of Durban, specifically 1960-1970. A case study of the multi-racial Durban-based band, The Flames 1963–1972) will be used to rigorously assess the extent to which social conditions and music can affect each other in both directions. This will also be the first coherent and historical narrative of the band, The Flames. As such, the thesis aims to make an original contribution to this field of music history, while it will provide the very first academic discussion of The Flames. South Africa during apartheid, with its racialised legislation provides an ideal context to scrutinize the effects (both potential and real) of music on social conditions. The Flames provide a particularly relevant case point; being a collective of “mixed-race” individuals classified as Coloured performing for a multi-racial fan- base. This means that at their concerts, audience members would have frequently been from a variety of different racial backgrounds. This would have been in direct contravention to the National Party‟s (NP) Separate Amenities Act as well as the policy of “separate development”, the cornerstone of apartheid. The thesis will firstly contextualise the research within the broader, global historical context, as well as in the existing theoretical literature which focuses on the relationship between music, politics and society. Firstly, this will entail a brief historical account of popular music around the world during the twentieth century. Through this we will observe both the ways in which the development and popularisation of various forms of popular music came to be shaped in a particular way, as well as the ways in which the public received this music. This will include an examination of positive responses to certain kinds of popular music which resonated and became popular with various sectors of society. Conversely, it will also closely examine the backlashes against these musical forms, and attempt to identify why certain sectors of the public were deeply opposed to particular kinds of popular music which may have been perceived to embody certain values and meanings. This will be conducted by studying various forms of popular music from the turn of the twentieth century into the early 1970s with a cross-cultural, global perspective, examining particular historical instances and existing theories relating to these instances. Chapter one will then shift from a global perspective and will situate the research within the South African musical context specifically. This will include an account of the development of South African popular music through the twentieth century in relation to the country's politics. Through examining this relationship, the dialogue between historical case studies and theoretical literature will continue, in which existing theories relating to the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed. This theoretical literature will be made use of in the final section of the paper in order to make sense of The Flames and their role in South African history. The second section of this thesis will focus on the socio-historical context of the city of Durban under apartheid. The author will contextualise the research through a narrative historical retelling of Durban‟s social history, focusing on both political and social public mobilisation and the role of cultural spaces and practices within these his torical moments and their relevant structures. Attention will be paid to the development of segregation and apartheid within Durban specifically, while racial relations will also be fo cused upon. This will provide the reader with the necessary background required in order to meaningfully understand how the band The Flames came into existence, became popular, and whether or not they had any meaningful effect on their historical context. The section on Durban's history will be followed by a brief account of Durban's Coloured community's history, as well as a discussion around Coloured identity more broadly within the South African context. This will be vital to the research due to the fact that the musicians of The Flames were classified as Coloured under apartheid, and such an historical background will be critical to understanding the social, political and economic context of the band. Finally, the thesis will end with the written history of The Flame . This final section will provide an account of The Flames' history in which the band will be made sense of within the context of Durban during apartheid, as well as within the context of South African music, and the globalised context of popular music. By situating the band within these three contexts, we can truly assess both how they were shaped by their contexts, and whether they had any effect on these contexts of which they were a part. In this section those existing theories around the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed and assessed in order to determine how useful a framework they may be for understanding popular music in certain historical contexts. In this way, the research aims to make a meaningful contribution to the study of music and its socio-political role throughout history, as well as to the broader understanding of Durban's history. Specifically, the role of music in Durban's history is being examined, and the researcher hopes that this work can begin to open up new discussions around the importance of studying music in Durban, and South Africa's history. Additionally, this thesis will open up a new area of research into a band which, until this point, has not been engaged with in the field of music history whatsoever. .
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
History on trial: a study of the Salem commonage land claim
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, GJW
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: South Africa. Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994 , Salem (South Africa) -- History , Land tenure -- Law and legilstion -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146647 , vital:38545
- Description: This thesis critically examines the Salem commonage claim, a dispute that has shaken the hamlet of Salem to its core. On ground level it has caused racialized fault lines to reopen, while suspicion and distrust has also grown between the black Africans of the area as well. On a national level, the Constitutional Court judgement has potentially set a precedent with regards to its jurisprudential approach in determining the validity of land claims in South Africa. Its interpretation of the law was determined by the restorative justice jurisprudence enshrined in the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 (the Act). It based its own understanding of the history of the commonage on this jurisprudence. In a bold step towards realising the aims and purposes of the Act, the Constitutional Court found that both the black African claimants as well as the white landowners have equal rights to the land. One of the reasons why the decision of the Constitutional Court is ground-breaking is that the dispute involves a former commonage – land used for common purpose. The Constitutional Court emphasised that the Act was an “extraordinary piece of legislation” and had to be interpreted in such a way so as to address the injustices of the past. This included provisions of the Act which dealt with how oral testimonies from claimants would be dealt with. Another interesting feature was the heavy reliance by all parties on expert witnesses in the persons of eminent historians, Professors Martin Legassick and Herman Giliomee. This case gave much-needed clarification as to what the appropriate role of an expert historian witness may be in a land claim. The success or failure of land claims often depend on the weight of the evidence supplied by the expert historian witness. But the historian must also take cognisance of the fact that the evidence s/he gives is appropriate according to the scope of law. This case also dismisses the assumption that colonial instruments of land assignation are beyond reproach. These instruments which grant rights to land may also be scrutinised in a court of law, just like when oral testimony is tested for its credibility. This is important to note, especially when balancing land rights of the claimants against those of the landowners. This thesis agrees with the decision taken by the Constitutional Court in this instance. However, it also cautions that such softly-softly approaches may appear as a suitable compromise on paper, but the feeling on the ground may not be as receptive to reconciliation as what the courts would have hoped for. To the jurist, this judgement accurately encapsulates the purpose and aims of the Act. However, such a judgement may not seem satisfactory to the people of Salem. The decisions of the Salem commonage case are sure to inform the discourse of land claims in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, GJW
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: South Africa. Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994 , Salem (South Africa) -- History , Land tenure -- Law and legilstion -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/146647 , vital:38545
- Description: This thesis critically examines the Salem commonage claim, a dispute that has shaken the hamlet of Salem to its core. On ground level it has caused racialized fault lines to reopen, while suspicion and distrust has also grown between the black Africans of the area as well. On a national level, the Constitutional Court judgement has potentially set a precedent with regards to its jurisprudential approach in determining the validity of land claims in South Africa. Its interpretation of the law was determined by the restorative justice jurisprudence enshrined in the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 (the Act). It based its own understanding of the history of the commonage on this jurisprudence. In a bold step towards realising the aims and purposes of the Act, the Constitutional Court found that both the black African claimants as well as the white landowners have equal rights to the land. One of the reasons why the decision of the Constitutional Court is ground-breaking is that the dispute involves a former commonage – land used for common purpose. The Constitutional Court emphasised that the Act was an “extraordinary piece of legislation” and had to be interpreted in such a way so as to address the injustices of the past. This included provisions of the Act which dealt with how oral testimonies from claimants would be dealt with. Another interesting feature was the heavy reliance by all parties on expert witnesses in the persons of eminent historians, Professors Martin Legassick and Herman Giliomee. This case gave much-needed clarification as to what the appropriate role of an expert historian witness may be in a land claim. The success or failure of land claims often depend on the weight of the evidence supplied by the expert historian witness. But the historian must also take cognisance of the fact that the evidence s/he gives is appropriate according to the scope of law. This case also dismisses the assumption that colonial instruments of land assignation are beyond reproach. These instruments which grant rights to land may also be scrutinised in a court of law, just like when oral testimony is tested for its credibility. This is important to note, especially when balancing land rights of the claimants against those of the landowners. This thesis agrees with the decision taken by the Constitutional Court in this instance. However, it also cautions that such softly-softly approaches may appear as a suitable compromise on paper, but the feeling on the ground may not be as receptive to reconciliation as what the courts would have hoped for. To the jurist, this judgement accurately encapsulates the purpose and aims of the Act. However, such a judgement may not seem satisfactory to the people of Salem. The decisions of the Salem commonage case are sure to inform the discourse of land claims in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
“A position of great trust and responsibility”: a social history of the Grahamstown Asylum, 1875 – c. 1905
- Authors: Van Zyl, Kylie
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Mental health services -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Psychiatric hospitals -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Race relations -- Social aspects , Mentally ill -- Commitment and detention -- South Africa , Mentally ill -- Abuse of -- South Africa , Mental health policy -- South Africa , Asylums -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Discrimination in mental health services -- South Africa , Health and race -- South Africa -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/151031 , vital:39025
- Description: Much has been written about the inequalities inherent in the psychiatric care provided to mentally ill individuals in the Cape Colony, but to date few works have been produced that describe in detail the processes and care regimes at particular institutions. This thesis examines the history of care and custody provided by the Grahamstown Asylum in the Cape between the years of 1875 and 1905. The intention is to determine the means and methods by which the Asylum’s authorities developed, almost unchallenged, a system of unequal treatment and favouritism within that facility, and what this meant for the men and women committed to the Asylum’s custody. To this end, contemporaneous official reports from Asylum staff and Colonial authorities were consulted, in conjunction with the Asylum’s internal records such as registers and individual patient files. This thesis concludes that the evolution of the Colony’s psychiatric community’s beliefs around mental illness, philosophies of protective custody and moral treatment within the psychiatric community at the time, the region’s laws governing psychiatric institutionalisation, and the larger context of the Cape’s socio-political environment at the time converged to create an institution that practiced discrimination on both a macro- and micro-level. This discriminatory framework affected who was admitted, the diagnosis that each person received, the asylum facilities to which they had access, and further, to the odds against their recovery. The implications of this study are relevant in the present day, as the modern South African system of psychiatric institutionalisation, though embedded within a socio-political context of equality and non-discrimination nevertheless appears to suffer from a similarly undemocratic framework of operation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Van Zyl, Kylie
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Mental health services -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Psychiatric hospitals -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Race relations -- Social aspects , Mentally ill -- Commitment and detention -- South Africa , Mentally ill -- Abuse of -- South Africa , Mental health policy -- South Africa , Asylums -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Discrimination in mental health services -- South Africa , Health and race -- South Africa -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/151031 , vital:39025
- Description: Much has been written about the inequalities inherent in the psychiatric care provided to mentally ill individuals in the Cape Colony, but to date few works have been produced that describe in detail the processes and care regimes at particular institutions. This thesis examines the history of care and custody provided by the Grahamstown Asylum in the Cape between the years of 1875 and 1905. The intention is to determine the means and methods by which the Asylum’s authorities developed, almost unchallenged, a system of unequal treatment and favouritism within that facility, and what this meant for the men and women committed to the Asylum’s custody. To this end, contemporaneous official reports from Asylum staff and Colonial authorities were consulted, in conjunction with the Asylum’s internal records such as registers and individual patient files. This thesis concludes that the evolution of the Colony’s psychiatric community’s beliefs around mental illness, philosophies of protective custody and moral treatment within the psychiatric community at the time, the region’s laws governing psychiatric institutionalisation, and the larger context of the Cape’s socio-political environment at the time converged to create an institution that practiced discrimination on both a macro- and micro-level. This discriminatory framework affected who was admitted, the diagnosis that each person received, the asylum facilities to which they had access, and further, to the odds against their recovery. The implications of this study are relevant in the present day, as the modern South African system of psychiatric institutionalisation, though embedded within a socio-political context of equality and non-discrimination nevertheless appears to suffer from a similarly undemocratic framework of operation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Rural food security in Mutare District, Zimbabwe, 1947-2010
- Authors: Kusena, Bernard
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mutare (Zimbabwe) -- History , Zimbabwe -- History , Food security -- Zimbabwe , Poverty -- Zimbabwe , Rural pooer -- Zimbabwe , Crop losses -- Zimbabwe , Food relief -- Zimbabwe
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/92865 , vital:30757
- Description: By taking Mutare District as its lens to explore the dynamics of rural food security in Zimbabwe, this thesis assesses the role of the state in tackling hunger among its rural populations. It examines the impact of colonial and post-colonial food policy on efforts to combat food insecurity. The thesis explores the uneasy options pursued by rural communities in response to droughts and other threats of hunger. It identifies and ranks crop failure as the chief culprit to the district’s efforts towards food security. The thesis illustrates the contestations between the state and its rural people over which sustainable approaches to adopt in order to end hunger and how such debates continually shaped policy. It grapples with questions about the various understandings of food security advanced by scholars within the rural African context. It demonstrates, for instance, that the post-colonial state inherited an erstwhile crop production structure which shunned food crops in favour of cash crops. There was obvious bias against local preferences for a robust, home-grown food regime which did not put rural livelihoods at risk of starvation. The thesis also argues that food can be used as an instrument of war as evidenced during the liberation struggle when the vast majority of people residing in rural areas, particularly women and children, were pushed to the edges of survival. In addition, the thesis demonstrates that the infamous Marange diamonds turned out to be a curse rather than a blessing due to the state’s lack of transparency in the beneficiation chain. It concludes by a detailed examination of the political economy of food aid, demonstrating why donors have not succeeded for long to combat hunger in the district. In light of this background, the thesis provides a more nuanced analysis of the whole question of rural food security using archival material, newspapers, government and civil society reports, interviews and field observation. The thesis benefits from the use of a multi-pronged theoretical framework to capture the disparate themes that form the bedrock of this study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Kusena, Bernard
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mutare (Zimbabwe) -- History , Zimbabwe -- History , Food security -- Zimbabwe , Poverty -- Zimbabwe , Rural pooer -- Zimbabwe , Crop losses -- Zimbabwe , Food relief -- Zimbabwe
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/92865 , vital:30757
- Description: By taking Mutare District as its lens to explore the dynamics of rural food security in Zimbabwe, this thesis assesses the role of the state in tackling hunger among its rural populations. It examines the impact of colonial and post-colonial food policy on efforts to combat food insecurity. The thesis explores the uneasy options pursued by rural communities in response to droughts and other threats of hunger. It identifies and ranks crop failure as the chief culprit to the district’s efforts towards food security. The thesis illustrates the contestations between the state and its rural people over which sustainable approaches to adopt in order to end hunger and how such debates continually shaped policy. It grapples with questions about the various understandings of food security advanced by scholars within the rural African context. It demonstrates, for instance, that the post-colonial state inherited an erstwhile crop production structure which shunned food crops in favour of cash crops. There was obvious bias against local preferences for a robust, home-grown food regime which did not put rural livelihoods at risk of starvation. The thesis also argues that food can be used as an instrument of war as evidenced during the liberation struggle when the vast majority of people residing in rural areas, particularly women and children, were pushed to the edges of survival. In addition, the thesis demonstrates that the infamous Marange diamonds turned out to be a curse rather than a blessing due to the state’s lack of transparency in the beneficiation chain. It concludes by a detailed examination of the political economy of food aid, demonstrating why donors have not succeeded for long to combat hunger in the district. In light of this background, the thesis provides a more nuanced analysis of the whole question of rural food security using archival material, newspapers, government and civil society reports, interviews and field observation. The thesis benefits from the use of a multi-pronged theoretical framework to capture the disparate themes that form the bedrock of this study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Shifting white SADF veteran identities from apartheid to contemporary South Africa
- Authors: Weich, Francois
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa -- History -- 1961-1994 , Angola -- History -- South African Incursions, 1978-1990 -- Veterans , South Africa -- History, Military -- 1961- , Veterans -- South Africa -- Personal narratives , South Africa -- Armed forces , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1961-1978 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa. South African Defence Force
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76106 , vital:30504
- Description: The ideologies and structures of the apartheid state have received extensive academic attention, but the legacies of the militarisation of white South African men – a group that exists at a unique intersection of apartheid privilege and exploitation – have not been sufficiently addressed. Even as beneficiaries of apartheid, white men were militarised through structures of coercion and the mobilisation of identity constructions that resulted in the widespread submission to conscription and support for apartheid militarism. This thesis explores the relationship between those militarised identities and the historical processes of apartheid through a consideration of a broad range of white SADF veteran narratives from the Missing Voices Oral History Project archive. This consideration of the role of identity mobilisation in apartheid can shed light on the effect of historical processes of militarisation on white men in South Africa, as well as address the persistence of values and behaviours that may present barriers to the social transformation of South Africa towards a true constitutional democracy. The thesis explores identity in SADF veteran narratives through the application of social constructionism in order to determine the effect of coercive structures and identity mobilisation on individuals, and to gauge the persistence militarised identities after the social and political structures underpinning them had become defunct. The identity content of the narratives is contextualised in relation to structures of coercion employed by the apartheid state and the SADF alongside a consideration of the effect of political transition on veterans. The legacy of the historical environment and the impact of political transition on SADF veterans’ constructed identities is investigated in relation to these veterans’ own visions of their roles in post-apartheid South Africa. Therefore, this thesis endeavours to contribute to the expansion of the field of historical and identity study by considering the construction and renegotiation of military identities that maintained, benefited from, and were exploited by the apartheid state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Weich, Francois
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa -- History -- 1961-1994 , Angola -- History -- South African Incursions, 1978-1990 -- Veterans , South Africa -- History, Military -- 1961- , Veterans -- South Africa -- Personal narratives , South Africa -- Armed forces , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1961-1978 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa. South African Defence Force
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76106 , vital:30504
- Description: The ideologies and structures of the apartheid state have received extensive academic attention, but the legacies of the militarisation of white South African men – a group that exists at a unique intersection of apartheid privilege and exploitation – have not been sufficiently addressed. Even as beneficiaries of apartheid, white men were militarised through structures of coercion and the mobilisation of identity constructions that resulted in the widespread submission to conscription and support for apartheid militarism. This thesis explores the relationship between those militarised identities and the historical processes of apartheid through a consideration of a broad range of white SADF veteran narratives from the Missing Voices Oral History Project archive. This consideration of the role of identity mobilisation in apartheid can shed light on the effect of historical processes of militarisation on white men in South Africa, as well as address the persistence of values and behaviours that may present barriers to the social transformation of South Africa towards a true constitutional democracy. The thesis explores identity in SADF veteran narratives through the application of social constructionism in order to determine the effect of coercive structures and identity mobilisation on individuals, and to gauge the persistence militarised identities after the social and political structures underpinning them had become defunct. The identity content of the narratives is contextualised in relation to structures of coercion employed by the apartheid state and the SADF alongside a consideration of the effect of political transition on veterans. The legacy of the historical environment and the impact of political transition on SADF veterans’ constructed identities is investigated in relation to these veterans’ own visions of their roles in post-apartheid South Africa. Therefore, this thesis endeavours to contribute to the expansion of the field of historical and identity study by considering the construction and renegotiation of military identities that maintained, benefited from, and were exploited by the apartheid state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
The Chase: historical and ethnographic observations on ‘Traditional Horse Racing’ in the Eastern Cape, c. 1850 to the present
- Authors: Paterson, Craig John
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Horse racing -- South Africa -- Homelands , Masculinity -- South Africa – Homelands -- History , Migrant labor -- South Africa , Masculinity in sports -- South Africa -- Homelands Group identity -- South Africa – Homelands -- History , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1961-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115328 , vital:34114
- Description: This thesis examines the development of a horse racing sport, umdyarho wamahashe, as it is practised in the former-bantustans of the Eastern Cape Province. Using varied source material – ethnographic, archival and oral – it provides a guide to understanding the historical development of umdyarho events and their meaning to participants. By drawing together available ‘fragments’ of material on horses and horse racing in the former-bantustans of Transkei and Ciskei, it argues that horse racing is derived from a pre-colonial cattle racing tradition which was made impossible by a collision of environmental pressures and colonial responses to them. It goes on to show how horses came to take on a ‘symbol set’ of masculine power and “growing up.” The nexus of horses, rapidly assimilated into daily life, and the changing material conditions confronting the people of the Eastern Cape, made horse racing an ideal outlet through which men might regain a sense of power in conditions which eroded their sense of control over their daily lives, and, as a result, their perceived masculinity. This thesis argues that through horse races, people of the Eastern Cape were provided an space in which they could at once celebrate their legacy (by acting as their ‘forebears’ did) and their potential (by showing who they would like to be, through the deployment of the horse as a symbol). It concludes by discussing and how the imposition of change from outside threatens the ‘spirit’ of this sport.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Paterson, Craig John
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Horse racing -- South Africa -- Homelands , Masculinity -- South Africa – Homelands -- History , Migrant labor -- South Africa , Masculinity in sports -- South Africa -- Homelands Group identity -- South Africa – Homelands -- History , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1961-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115328 , vital:34114
- Description: This thesis examines the development of a horse racing sport, umdyarho wamahashe, as it is practised in the former-bantustans of the Eastern Cape Province. Using varied source material – ethnographic, archival and oral – it provides a guide to understanding the historical development of umdyarho events and their meaning to participants. By drawing together available ‘fragments’ of material on horses and horse racing in the former-bantustans of Transkei and Ciskei, it argues that horse racing is derived from a pre-colonial cattle racing tradition which was made impossible by a collision of environmental pressures and colonial responses to them. It goes on to show how horses came to take on a ‘symbol set’ of masculine power and “growing up.” The nexus of horses, rapidly assimilated into daily life, and the changing material conditions confronting the people of the Eastern Cape, made horse racing an ideal outlet through which men might regain a sense of power in conditions which eroded their sense of control over their daily lives, and, as a result, their perceived masculinity. This thesis argues that through horse races, people of the Eastern Cape were provided an space in which they could at once celebrate their legacy (by acting as their ‘forebears’ did) and their potential (by showing who they would like to be, through the deployment of the horse as a symbol). It concludes by discussing and how the imposition of change from outside threatens the ‘spirit’ of this sport.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
The tropical environment and malaria in southwestern Nigeria, 1861 – 1960
- Authors: Adetiba, Adedamola Seun
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Diseases and history -- Africa , Diseases and history -- Nigeria , Medical anthropology -- Africa , Medical anthropology -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Nigeria -- History , Nigeria -- History , Imperialism -- Health aspects , Medicine -- Colonies -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76564 , vital:30605
- Description: This thesis is a social history of malaria in southwestern Nigeria. It contributes to the burgeoning literature in the historiography of medicine, specifically the medicine and empire debate. Key to the issues raised in this thesis is the extent to which the limitations in colonial medical policies, most especially malaria control programmes, inspired critical and ingenious responses from African nationalists, doctors, patients, research volunteers, and indigenous medical practitioners. Challenged by a wide range of diseases and a paucity of health facilities and disease control schemes, African rural dwellers became medical pluralists in the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of Western medicine alongside their indigenous medical practices. Beginning with a detailed historical exploration of the issues that informed the introduction of curative and preventive medicine in southwestern Nigeria, this thesis reveals the focus of colonial medicine. It exposes the one-sided nature of medical services in colonial spaces like southwestern Nigeria and the ways it shaped multifaceted responses from Africans, who were specifically side-lined till the 1950s when the rural medical service scheme was introduced. The focus of colonial medicine is drawn from relatively rich but often subjective historical evidence, such as a plethora of official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Lagos and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Lagos. They reveal very interesting details of the ways Africans imagined, reimagined, and appropriated malaria control ideas and schemes. The central argument in this thesis is that attempts to control malaria in southwestern Nigeria till the 1950s, were shaped by a single concern to ameliorate the implications of the disease on the colonial state. It argues that this one-sided nature of malaria control programme informed the basis for medical pluralism in most rural spaces where African communities became patrons and sponsors of Western medicine and at the same time custodians of their indigenous medical practices. The series of justifications for the sustenance of these services were reinforced on the basis of the failure of the colonial state to guarantee the health needs of their colonial subjects. The aim of the thesis is to reinforce arguments that portray colonial medicine as a “tool of empire” but goes a bit further to explain the extent to which Africans related to this reality. It states quite categorically that Africans were not docile and silent, but that they acted decisively in ways that suited their varied interests and courses.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Adetiba, Adedamola Seun
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Diseases and history -- Africa , Diseases and history -- Nigeria , Medical anthropology -- Africa , Medical anthropology -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Social aspects -- Nigeria , Malaria -- Nigeria -- History , Nigeria -- History , Imperialism -- Health aspects , Medicine -- Colonies -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76564 , vital:30605
- Description: This thesis is a social history of malaria in southwestern Nigeria. It contributes to the burgeoning literature in the historiography of medicine, specifically the medicine and empire debate. Key to the issues raised in this thesis is the extent to which the limitations in colonial medical policies, most especially malaria control programmes, inspired critical and ingenious responses from African nationalists, doctors, patients, research volunteers, and indigenous medical practitioners. Challenged by a wide range of diseases and a paucity of health facilities and disease control schemes, African rural dwellers became medical pluralists in the ways they imagined and appropriated ideas of Western medicine alongside their indigenous medical practices. Beginning with a detailed historical exploration of the issues that informed the introduction of curative and preventive medicine in southwestern Nigeria, this thesis reveals the focus of colonial medicine. It exposes the one-sided nature of medical services in colonial spaces like southwestern Nigeria and the ways it shaped multifaceted responses from Africans, who were specifically side-lined till the 1950s when the rural medical service scheme was introduced. The focus of colonial medicine is drawn from relatively rich but often subjective historical evidence, such as a plethora of official reports of the department of medical and sanitary services, official correspondences within the colonial government in Lagos and Nigeria, and between the colonial government and the colonial office in the United Kingdom. Details of African responses to medical policies were garnered from newspaper publications and correspondences between the African public and the colonial government in Lagos. They reveal very interesting details of the ways Africans imagined, reimagined, and appropriated malaria control ideas and schemes. The central argument in this thesis is that attempts to control malaria in southwestern Nigeria till the 1950s, were shaped by a single concern to ameliorate the implications of the disease on the colonial state. It argues that this one-sided nature of malaria control programme informed the basis for medical pluralism in most rural spaces where African communities became patrons and sponsors of Western medicine and at the same time custodians of their indigenous medical practices. The series of justifications for the sustenance of these services were reinforced on the basis of the failure of the colonial state to guarantee the health needs of their colonial subjects. The aim of the thesis is to reinforce arguments that portray colonial medicine as a “tool of empire” but goes a bit further to explain the extent to which Africans related to this reality. It states quite categorically that Africans were not docile and silent, but that they acted decisively in ways that suited their varied interests and courses.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Chipangano: vigilantism and community responses in Mbare District, Zimbabwe, c.2000-2013
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe History 1980- , Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare Public opinion , Collective memory Zimbabwe Mbare
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62126 , vital:28130
- Description: This study examines an aspect of Zimbabwe’s political history, namely the emergence and operations of Chipangano vigilante group in Mbare (2000-2013) and how the community responded to the scourges of this vigilante group. This study shows that Chipangano, which means a pact, was formed with the intention to extend ZANU-PF patronage system, canvassing support and regain control of Mbare district from the MDC. The group consolidated itself as a shadow militia group for ZANU-PF that intimidated the opposition parties and coerced the general populace to attend ZANU-PF functions. It also shows that the vigilante group seized Harare City Council’s duties, such as collecting gate-takings from local and long distance public transport at Mbare Bus Terminal; controlling allocations of market stalls and collecting rents from market stalls, for personal benefits. The group also politicised the access to local state property. Chipangano’s collusion with ZANU-PF and state structures licensed it to engage in criminal activities with impunity, thus this thesis seeks to understand the relationship between the vigilantes, ZANU-PF and state structures. The activities of Chipangano such as abduction, intimidation, beatings, killings and displacement of people resulted in social trauma. This thesis will also explore how this phase of violence is remembered today by the research informants. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2018
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe History 1980- , Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare Public opinion , Collective memory Zimbabwe Mbare
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62126 , vital:28130
- Description: This study examines an aspect of Zimbabwe’s political history, namely the emergence and operations of Chipangano vigilante group in Mbare (2000-2013) and how the community responded to the scourges of this vigilante group. This study shows that Chipangano, which means a pact, was formed with the intention to extend ZANU-PF patronage system, canvassing support and regain control of Mbare district from the MDC. The group consolidated itself as a shadow militia group for ZANU-PF that intimidated the opposition parties and coerced the general populace to attend ZANU-PF functions. It also shows that the vigilante group seized Harare City Council’s duties, such as collecting gate-takings from local and long distance public transport at Mbare Bus Terminal; controlling allocations of market stalls and collecting rents from market stalls, for personal benefits. The group also politicised the access to local state property. Chipangano’s collusion with ZANU-PF and state structures licensed it to engage in criminal activities with impunity, thus this thesis seeks to understand the relationship between the vigilantes, ZANU-PF and state structures. The activities of Chipangano such as abduction, intimidation, beatings, killings and displacement of people resulted in social trauma. This thesis will also explore how this phase of violence is remembered today by the research informants. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2018
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The changing face of Rhodes University: exploring aspects of visuality, sexuality and protest between the apartheid and postapartheid periods
- Authors: Stein, Jonathan Harry
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University , Apartheid South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa , College students Attitudes , Student movements South Africa , Decolonization South Africa , Aesthetics Political aspects South Africa , Sex Political aspects South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60530 , vital:27790
- Description: This thesis seeks to provide an historical overview of changing trends within specific spheres of the institutional and student culture of Rhodes University between the apartheid and post-apartheid periods. In particular, this thesis seeks to examine changes and developments within the visual and aesthetic culture of the university, and within the sphere of sexual norms and relations within the Rhodes student community. The historical dimensions of these two spheres of the university’s culture will be explored in light of the #RhodesMustFall protest of 2015 and the #RUReferenceList protest of 2016, which drew attention to a perceived lack of institutional transformation related to these two areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Stein, Jonathan Harry
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Rhodes University , Apartheid South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa , College students Attitudes , Student movements South Africa , Decolonization South Africa , Aesthetics Political aspects South Africa , Sex Political aspects South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60530 , vital:27790
- Description: This thesis seeks to provide an historical overview of changing trends within specific spheres of the institutional and student culture of Rhodes University between the apartheid and post-apartheid periods. In particular, this thesis seeks to examine changes and developments within the visual and aesthetic culture of the university, and within the sphere of sexual norms and relations within the Rhodes student community. The historical dimensions of these two spheres of the university’s culture will be explored in light of the #RhodesMustFall protest of 2015 and the #RUReferenceList protest of 2016, which drew attention to a perceived lack of institutional transformation related to these two areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The English East India Company and the British Crown: c. 1795-1803, the first occupation at the Cape of Good Hope
- Authors: Jordan, Calvin
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: East India Company , East India Company -- Influence , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1795-1872 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , British -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Administration -- History -- 19th century , Merchant marine -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63164 , vital:28369
- Description: My thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the English East India Company (EEIC) and the British colonial administration at the Cape of Good Hope during the first British occupation (1795 to 1803). Studies and literature that concern the EEIC have rarely gone beyond the surface, detailing the presence of the EEIC at the Cape, and neglecting the Company’s involvement in the administration thereof. My thesis draws on prior works but attempts to address both temporal and spatial gaps in this literature on the Atlantic and Indian Ocean, and the history of the EEIC. This study takes note of the seaborne related activity around the ports, bays and islands at the Cape – including the regulation of these spaces and issues related to securing British trade and colonial possessions more generally. I question the framing of the Cape primarily as a constituent of a national unit by locating the colony within a broader global and maritime context. A key interest is to determine the degree to which the EEIC influenced and participated in the British governance of the Cape, particularly by exploring the maritime dimensions of the relationship between the EEIC and colonial governance during this particular period. This involves understanding the embeddedness of the Cape in British (Crown and Company) networks and the constitution of a ‘British maritime zone’. This study uses archival sources drawn from the British colonial government records, Company records, and the private diaries and letters of Lady Anne Barnard that relate to the Cape. It is shown that a uniquely configured governance convention was constituted to secure the mutual commercial and imperial interests of both Crown and Company. By keeping the Cape secure, the British sought to keep their greater seaborne Empire secure. This study reveals that the EEIC was significantly involved in and influenced the way the British administration governed the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Jordan, Calvin
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: East India Company , East India Company -- Influence , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1795-1872 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , British -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Administration -- History -- 19th century , Merchant marine -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63164 , vital:28369
- Description: My thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the English East India Company (EEIC) and the British colonial administration at the Cape of Good Hope during the first British occupation (1795 to 1803). Studies and literature that concern the EEIC have rarely gone beyond the surface, detailing the presence of the EEIC at the Cape, and neglecting the Company’s involvement in the administration thereof. My thesis draws on prior works but attempts to address both temporal and spatial gaps in this literature on the Atlantic and Indian Ocean, and the history of the EEIC. This study takes note of the seaborne related activity around the ports, bays and islands at the Cape – including the regulation of these spaces and issues related to securing British trade and colonial possessions more generally. I question the framing of the Cape primarily as a constituent of a national unit by locating the colony within a broader global and maritime context. A key interest is to determine the degree to which the EEIC influenced and participated in the British governance of the Cape, particularly by exploring the maritime dimensions of the relationship between the EEIC and colonial governance during this particular period. This involves understanding the embeddedness of the Cape in British (Crown and Company) networks and the constitution of a ‘British maritime zone’. This study uses archival sources drawn from the British colonial government records, Company records, and the private diaries and letters of Lady Anne Barnard that relate to the Cape. It is shown that a uniquely configured governance convention was constituted to secure the mutual commercial and imperial interests of both Crown and Company. By keeping the Cape secure, the British sought to keep their greater seaborne Empire secure. This study reveals that the EEIC was significantly involved in and influenced the way the British administration governed the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018