Mbonalelo kha vhurangaphanda ha vhafumakadzi: young Vhavenḓa women’s views on their traditional leadership roles historically and post-1994
- Authors: Nengwekhulu, Omphulusa
- Date: 2025-04-25
- Subjects: Chiefdoms South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Colonialism , Apartheid South Africa , Primogeniture South Africa , Patriarchy South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478427 , vital:78186
- Description: This is a qualitative research study that examines how young Vhavenḓa women in post-apartheid South Africa views different traditional leadership roles that Vhavenḓa women have historically played and continue to play in Venḓa society. Therefore, the research question that this Master of Arts (MA) research study sought to research is the following: How do young, 21st-century Vhavenḓa women view the traditional leadership roles historically and currently held by Vhavenḓa women in Vhavenḓa society? To grapple with this research question, this study employed a combination of purposive and snowball sampling strategies to recruit seven research participants. Research participants were interviewed using a semi-structured interview approach, which allowed the researcher to build rapport with research participants. Data was manually coded into five themes, namely: 1) The Role of Makhadzi in Traditional Leadership Among the Venḓa Community, 2) The Role of Vhakoma in Traditional Leadership Among the Venḓa Community, 3) The Role of Vhakololo in Traditional Leadership Among the Venḓa Community, 4) The customary practice of male primogeniture and how it contradicts the South African Constitution post-1994, and 5) The socialisation process that puts boys and men on a leadership pedestal. The data was then analysed and discussed in Chapters Four and Five through an Africana Womanist theoretical framework. An important finding in this study is that makhadzi, the father’s sister and also a woman who is a custodian of traditional leadership, is the traditional role that all the participants recognised as the leadership role that Vhavenḓa women have historically played and continue to play. Another role identified by participants as significant within the Venḓa leadership structure is Vhakoma, the Queen Mother and the chief's mother. However, there was limited familiarity with the role of Vhakololo, the royal members or people born into the royal family, as only one participant identified it as a leadership role traditionally occupied by Vhavenḓa women. Research participants suggested that colonial modernity contributes to a lack of knowledge about their culture. Another important finding of this study is that in post-1994 South Africa, there has been a tension between customary practices such as male primogeniture and the South African Constitution. Consequently, some women leaders have used the courts to challenge this practice. Ultimately, this study contributes to the discourse about women’s empowerment and the dismantling of patriarchal structures that undermine women's potential as leaders in the Venḓa context. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-25
- Authors: Nengwekhulu, Omphulusa
- Date: 2025-04-25
- Subjects: Chiefdoms South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Colonialism , Apartheid South Africa , Primogeniture South Africa , Patriarchy South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478427 , vital:78186
- Description: This is a qualitative research study that examines how young Vhavenḓa women in post-apartheid South Africa views different traditional leadership roles that Vhavenḓa women have historically played and continue to play in Venḓa society. Therefore, the research question that this Master of Arts (MA) research study sought to research is the following: How do young, 21st-century Vhavenḓa women view the traditional leadership roles historically and currently held by Vhavenḓa women in Vhavenḓa society? To grapple with this research question, this study employed a combination of purposive and snowball sampling strategies to recruit seven research participants. Research participants were interviewed using a semi-structured interview approach, which allowed the researcher to build rapport with research participants. Data was manually coded into five themes, namely: 1) The Role of Makhadzi in Traditional Leadership Among the Venḓa Community, 2) The Role of Vhakoma in Traditional Leadership Among the Venḓa Community, 3) The Role of Vhakololo in Traditional Leadership Among the Venḓa Community, 4) The customary practice of male primogeniture and how it contradicts the South African Constitution post-1994, and 5) The socialisation process that puts boys and men on a leadership pedestal. The data was then analysed and discussed in Chapters Four and Five through an Africana Womanist theoretical framework. An important finding in this study is that makhadzi, the father’s sister and also a woman who is a custodian of traditional leadership, is the traditional role that all the participants recognised as the leadership role that Vhavenḓa women have historically played and continue to play. Another role identified by participants as significant within the Venḓa leadership structure is Vhakoma, the Queen Mother and the chief's mother. However, there was limited familiarity with the role of Vhakololo, the royal members or people born into the royal family, as only one participant identified it as a leadership role traditionally occupied by Vhavenḓa women. Research participants suggested that colonial modernity contributes to a lack of knowledge about their culture. Another important finding of this study is that in post-1994 South Africa, there has been a tension between customary practices such as male primogeniture and the South African Constitution. Consequently, some women leaders have used the courts to challenge this practice. Ultimately, this study contributes to the discourse about women’s empowerment and the dismantling of patriarchal structures that undermine women's potential as leaders in the Venḓa context. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-25
Municipal demarcation: an exploration of ethnic conflict and violence in the 2015 Malamulele and 2016 Vuwani protests
- Authors: Shivambu, Matimu
- Date: 2025-04-25
- Subjects: Municipal boundary , Apartheid , Territorial dispute , Demonstrations South Africa , Tribalism , Political corruption , Municipal services South Africa Limpopo
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478438 , vital:78187
- Description: In 2015, communities in Malamulele, located in the Vhembe District of Limpopo Province, South Africa, protested against the Thulamela Local Government Municipality, citing inadequate service delivery and favouritism toward Venda-speaking areas. The protesters demanded the establishment of a new municipality for Tsonga-speaking residents, disrupting daily life through road blockades and shutdowns of schools, transportation, and commercial activities. In response, the government demarcated the Thulamela Municipality and created the Collins Chabane Local Government Municipality, which included Vuwani and other Venda-speaking communities. However, this inclusion sparked violent protests in Vuwani in 2016, fueled by claims of insufficient consultation and a desire to remain within the Makhado Local Government Municipality. This study utilised qualitative research methods, specifically semi-structured interviews, to capture the experiences and perspectives of participants from Vuwani and Malamulele. It applied conflict and territory theories to analyse the underlying issues. The findings reveal that colonial policies of divide and rule, along with apartheid-era Bantustan policies, significantly influenced these protests. The study underscores the importance of public participation in community matters, highlighting the unequal provision of services among different groups and emphasising the need for reconciliation. The protests were deeply rooted in the legacy of colonial and apartheid histories and cannot be understood in isolation from these historical contexts and their enduring impacts. This research addresses a gap in the academic literature by exploring the ethnic dynamics and sequence of events in the 2015 Malamulele and 2016 Vuwani protests. It provides insights into the decisions of the government, Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB), and community stakeholders that fueled these conflicts, contributing to a broader understanding of post-1994 ethnic violence and conflict in South Africa. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-25
- Authors: Shivambu, Matimu
- Date: 2025-04-25
- Subjects: Municipal boundary , Apartheid , Territorial dispute , Demonstrations South Africa , Tribalism , Political corruption , Municipal services South Africa Limpopo
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478438 , vital:78187
- Description: In 2015, communities in Malamulele, located in the Vhembe District of Limpopo Province, South Africa, protested against the Thulamela Local Government Municipality, citing inadequate service delivery and favouritism toward Venda-speaking areas. The protesters demanded the establishment of a new municipality for Tsonga-speaking residents, disrupting daily life through road blockades and shutdowns of schools, transportation, and commercial activities. In response, the government demarcated the Thulamela Municipality and created the Collins Chabane Local Government Municipality, which included Vuwani and other Venda-speaking communities. However, this inclusion sparked violent protests in Vuwani in 2016, fueled by claims of insufficient consultation and a desire to remain within the Makhado Local Government Municipality. This study utilised qualitative research methods, specifically semi-structured interviews, to capture the experiences and perspectives of participants from Vuwani and Malamulele. It applied conflict and territory theories to analyse the underlying issues. The findings reveal that colonial policies of divide and rule, along with apartheid-era Bantustan policies, significantly influenced these protests. The study underscores the importance of public participation in community matters, highlighting the unequal provision of services among different groups and emphasising the need for reconciliation. The protests were deeply rooted in the legacy of colonial and apartheid histories and cannot be understood in isolation from these historical contexts and their enduring impacts. This research addresses a gap in the academic literature by exploring the ethnic dynamics and sequence of events in the 2015 Malamulele and 2016 Vuwani protests. It provides insights into the decisions of the government, Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB), and community stakeholders that fueled these conflicts, contributing to a broader understanding of post-1994 ethnic violence and conflict in South Africa. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-25
Resisting gender-based violence in post-1994 South Africa
- Authors: Dube, Nobuhle Lynn
- Date: 2025-04-25
- Subjects: Gender-based violence South Africa 1994- , Activism , Social media , Masculinity , Patriarchy , Women Violence against South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478416 , vital:78185
- Description: This study investigates the origins of gender-based violence, along with some of the legal, policing, and socio-cultural barriers to effectively addressing gender-based violence in post-1994 South Africa, as perceived and articulated by Black women activists. To that end, this study conducted semi-structured interviews with eight Black South African women activists involved in the fight against GBV, based in different parts of the country. The analysis and the discussion of the research findings are framed around six themes and theorised through an African feminism lens. A key finding of this research project is that GBV in post-1994 South Africa can be attributed to multiple sources which include poverty, African culture, women’s liberation in post-1994 South Africa, patriarchy, and toxic masculinities. Another finding of the study is that GBV activists joined the fight against GBV for various reasons, which included personal experience with GBV, a development of feminist consciousness, and a desire to change the justice system and how society understands GBV. A consistent theme in the interviews was that the struggle against GBV is not the sole responsibility of women and girls and that society as a whole bears the responsibility for the fight against GBV. While participants recognised the importance of the compulsory South African high school subject – the life orientation syllabus – participants pointed out that this subject tends to focus mainly on unplanned teenage pregnancies, the dangers of sexually transmitted diseases, and HIV prevention among young people in South Africa. Thus, the life orientation syllabus foregrounds the dangers of sex, rather than prioritising encouraging students to recognise GBV and equip students with tools to effectively deal with it. Research participants highlighted the importance and benefits of getting involved in the fight against GBV. Participants further recounted that it was the #TheTotalShutDown movement in 2018 that led to President Cyril Ramaphosa meeting with the organisers of #TheTotalShutDown and forming an organising committee, consisting of representatives from the presidency, non-profit groups, and the organisers of #TheTotalShutdown, who worked together to produce the National Strategic Plan against GBV & Femicide which led to the introduction of legislation such as the Domestic Violence Amendment Act 14 of 2022, the Criminal and Related Matters Amendment Act 12 of 2022, and The Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act 13 of 2022. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-25
- Authors: Dube, Nobuhle Lynn
- Date: 2025-04-25
- Subjects: Gender-based violence South Africa 1994- , Activism , Social media , Masculinity , Patriarchy , Women Violence against South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478416 , vital:78185
- Description: This study investigates the origins of gender-based violence, along with some of the legal, policing, and socio-cultural barriers to effectively addressing gender-based violence in post-1994 South Africa, as perceived and articulated by Black women activists. To that end, this study conducted semi-structured interviews with eight Black South African women activists involved in the fight against GBV, based in different parts of the country. The analysis and the discussion of the research findings are framed around six themes and theorised through an African feminism lens. A key finding of this research project is that GBV in post-1994 South Africa can be attributed to multiple sources which include poverty, African culture, women’s liberation in post-1994 South Africa, patriarchy, and toxic masculinities. Another finding of the study is that GBV activists joined the fight against GBV for various reasons, which included personal experience with GBV, a development of feminist consciousness, and a desire to change the justice system and how society understands GBV. A consistent theme in the interviews was that the struggle against GBV is not the sole responsibility of women and girls and that society as a whole bears the responsibility for the fight against GBV. While participants recognised the importance of the compulsory South African high school subject – the life orientation syllabus – participants pointed out that this subject tends to focus mainly on unplanned teenage pregnancies, the dangers of sexually transmitted diseases, and HIV prevention among young people in South Africa. Thus, the life orientation syllabus foregrounds the dangers of sex, rather than prioritising encouraging students to recognise GBV and equip students with tools to effectively deal with it. Research participants highlighted the importance and benefits of getting involved in the fight against GBV. Participants further recounted that it was the #TheTotalShutDown movement in 2018 that led to President Cyril Ramaphosa meeting with the organisers of #TheTotalShutDown and forming an organising committee, consisting of representatives from the presidency, non-profit groups, and the organisers of #TheTotalShutdown, who worked together to produce the National Strategic Plan against GBV & Femicide which led to the introduction of legislation such as the Domestic Violence Amendment Act 14 of 2022, the Criminal and Related Matters Amendment Act 12 of 2022, and The Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act 13 of 2022. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-25
Labour in global value chains: the case of South African fish exporting companies
- Authors: Mufukari, Panashe
- Date: 2025-04-04
- Subjects: Global value chain , Migrant labor South Africa , Workforce casualisation , Casual labor South Africa , Precarious employment South Africa , Exploitation of labour
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/480155 , vital:78402
- Description: Global value chains have reconfigured the organization of production and distribution across the world. Such a transformation has led to production fragmentation across multiple locations and the specialization of firms some of which now produce only one component of a larger product. Transformation in international trade has enabled multinational corporations to outsource production and operations to low-cost locations, which are mainly found in the Global South. Global value chains research explores these dynamics. This research began with Hopkins and Wallerstein’s work on world-systems analysis, which was concerned with the likelihood that these chains are characterized by inequality. However, later approaches, focused on Global Commodity Chains (GCCs), Global Value Chains (GVCs) and Global Production Networks (GPNs), suggested that participation in global value chains could advance development for Global South nations and result in “social upgrading” and decent work for those employed by companies that participate in these chains. This thesis explores the lived experiences of workers in South African fish exporting companies in the city of Gqeberha, to assess whether participation in global value chains does indeed mean workers experience decent working conditions. The findings of the research suggest that global value chains research needs to pay increased attention to workers. The study also emphasizes the importance of migrant labour, both internal migrant labour and international migrant labour in global value chains. By giving attention to both internal and international migrant labour, the complexity of the workforce is highlighted. Accordingly, the study calls for a comprehensive approach to the labour issue in global chains because the diverse locations and contexts shape workers’ experiences with and outcomes from participation in global chains. The study concludes that the world-systems tradition remains relevant for understanding the contemporary issues of unequal exchange, hierarchy of occupational tasks and wages, and exploitation within these global chains, a stance that diverges from mainstream scholarship in which world-systems tradition is deemed as having limited contemporary applicability. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-04
- Authors: Mufukari, Panashe
- Date: 2025-04-04
- Subjects: Global value chain , Migrant labor South Africa , Workforce casualisation , Casual labor South Africa , Precarious employment South Africa , Exploitation of labour
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/480155 , vital:78402
- Description: Global value chains have reconfigured the organization of production and distribution across the world. Such a transformation has led to production fragmentation across multiple locations and the specialization of firms some of which now produce only one component of a larger product. Transformation in international trade has enabled multinational corporations to outsource production and operations to low-cost locations, which are mainly found in the Global South. Global value chains research explores these dynamics. This research began with Hopkins and Wallerstein’s work on world-systems analysis, which was concerned with the likelihood that these chains are characterized by inequality. However, later approaches, focused on Global Commodity Chains (GCCs), Global Value Chains (GVCs) and Global Production Networks (GPNs), suggested that participation in global value chains could advance development for Global South nations and result in “social upgrading” and decent work for those employed by companies that participate in these chains. This thesis explores the lived experiences of workers in South African fish exporting companies in the city of Gqeberha, to assess whether participation in global value chains does indeed mean workers experience decent working conditions. The findings of the research suggest that global value chains research needs to pay increased attention to workers. The study also emphasizes the importance of migrant labour, both internal migrant labour and international migrant labour in global value chains. By giving attention to both internal and international migrant labour, the complexity of the workforce is highlighted. Accordingly, the study calls for a comprehensive approach to the labour issue in global chains because the diverse locations and contexts shape workers’ experiences with and outcomes from participation in global chains. The study concludes that the world-systems tradition remains relevant for understanding the contemporary issues of unequal exchange, hierarchy of occupational tasks and wages, and exploitation within these global chains, a stance that diverges from mainstream scholarship in which world-systems tradition is deemed as having limited contemporary applicability. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-04
Rethinking development in post-colonial Zimbabwe: the case of the CAMPFIRE Programme in Kanyemba
- Authors: Maheve, Neil Batsirai
- Date: 2025-04-02
- Subjects: CAMPFIRE (Program) , Postdevelopment theory , Rethinking , Kanyemba/Chapoto Ward (Zimbabwe) , Natural resources Management , Community development Zimbabwe Kanyemba/Chapoto Ward
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478537 , vital:78195 , DOI 10.21504/10962/478537
- Description: This study is concerned with people’s attitudes towards the Communal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE). This study is situated in Kanyemba, a ward in Mbire District, Mashonaland Central, Zimbabwe. CAMPFIRE is a community-based natural resource management programme that aims at empowering local communities to sustainably manage and benefit from wildlife and other natural resources within their confines. This study explores people’s attitudes towards development (and CAMPFIRE as a development programme) and how they perceive, engage with, and contest development. There are two subgroups living in Kanyemba: the Chikunda, which is the majority group, and the Tembo Mvura. Rooted in post-development thinking, this study highlights the nuances and ambiguities in people’s attitudes towards development. The study relies on interviews, participant observation, and archival material. The study has three guiding objectives. Firstly, I set out to explore how the Tembo Mvura and Chikunda community members living in Kanyemba perceive and interact with the CAMPFIRE programme and how their views coincide with or diverge from mainstream development discourse. The study discusses the Tembo Mvura and Chikunda definitions and descriptions of development and the two groups’ perspectives and experiences of the CAMPFIRE programme. While the Tembo Mvura have mostly negative attitudes towards CAMPFIRE, their Chikunda neighbours exude both positive and negative attitudes towards development, projecting a sense of joy and appreciation but also disillusionment with development. Secondly, I highlight how Tembo Mvura and Chikunda actively participate in and challenge the CAMPFIRE project and how these interactions can be interpreted within the framework of post-development theory. As I explore these attitudes, I portray the ambivalence evident in people’s simultaneous desire for and dismissal of development. While the people dismiss some aspects of development, they still want some development, hence the ambivalence. Finally, I explore how the residents of Kanyemba have responded to the limitations of CAMPFIRE, what alternatives to development they propose, and what role cultural, historical, economic, and environmental factors play in shaping the communities’ alternatives to development. The residents of Kanyemba have different historical and cultural backgrounds, and I highlight how these have influenced the different alternatives to development proposed by Tembo Mvura and Chikunda. In this regard, I explore the nuanced critiques of development held by residents of Kanyemba, examining how cultural and historical factors influence their selective engagement with different aspects of the CAMPFIRE initiative. This thesis contributes to post-development thinking by arguing that the ambivalence evident in people’s attitudes towards development in Kanyemba makes dismissing development more complicated than some post-development theorists suggest. The findings of the study show that people’s ambivalence towards development emanates from CAMPFIRE’s approach that strips individuals of agency, stifles their voices, and curtails democratic participation in determining their preferences and how they desire to progress. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-02
- Authors: Maheve, Neil Batsirai
- Date: 2025-04-02
- Subjects: CAMPFIRE (Program) , Postdevelopment theory , Rethinking , Kanyemba/Chapoto Ward (Zimbabwe) , Natural resources Management , Community development Zimbabwe Kanyemba/Chapoto Ward
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/478537 , vital:78195 , DOI 10.21504/10962/478537
- Description: This study is concerned with people’s attitudes towards the Communal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE). This study is situated in Kanyemba, a ward in Mbire District, Mashonaland Central, Zimbabwe. CAMPFIRE is a community-based natural resource management programme that aims at empowering local communities to sustainably manage and benefit from wildlife and other natural resources within their confines. This study explores people’s attitudes towards development (and CAMPFIRE as a development programme) and how they perceive, engage with, and contest development. There are two subgroups living in Kanyemba: the Chikunda, which is the majority group, and the Tembo Mvura. Rooted in post-development thinking, this study highlights the nuances and ambiguities in people’s attitudes towards development. The study relies on interviews, participant observation, and archival material. The study has three guiding objectives. Firstly, I set out to explore how the Tembo Mvura and Chikunda community members living in Kanyemba perceive and interact with the CAMPFIRE programme and how their views coincide with or diverge from mainstream development discourse. The study discusses the Tembo Mvura and Chikunda definitions and descriptions of development and the two groups’ perspectives and experiences of the CAMPFIRE programme. While the Tembo Mvura have mostly negative attitudes towards CAMPFIRE, their Chikunda neighbours exude both positive and negative attitudes towards development, projecting a sense of joy and appreciation but also disillusionment with development. Secondly, I highlight how Tembo Mvura and Chikunda actively participate in and challenge the CAMPFIRE project and how these interactions can be interpreted within the framework of post-development theory. As I explore these attitudes, I portray the ambivalence evident in people’s simultaneous desire for and dismissal of development. While the people dismiss some aspects of development, they still want some development, hence the ambivalence. Finally, I explore how the residents of Kanyemba have responded to the limitations of CAMPFIRE, what alternatives to development they propose, and what role cultural, historical, economic, and environmental factors play in shaping the communities’ alternatives to development. The residents of Kanyemba have different historical and cultural backgrounds, and I highlight how these have influenced the different alternatives to development proposed by Tembo Mvura and Chikunda. In this regard, I explore the nuanced critiques of development held by residents of Kanyemba, examining how cultural and historical factors influence their selective engagement with different aspects of the CAMPFIRE initiative. This thesis contributes to post-development thinking by arguing that the ambivalence evident in people’s attitudes towards development in Kanyemba makes dismissing development more complicated than some post-development theorists suggest. The findings of the study show that people’s ambivalence towards development emanates from CAMPFIRE’s approach that strips individuals of agency, stifles their voices, and curtails democratic participation in determining their preferences and how they desire to progress. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2025
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2025-04-02
(In)security communities in Africa: small arms and light weapons norm compliance by the economic community of West African states
- Authors: Pokoo, John Mark
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467093 , vital:76814
- Description: Access restricted. Expected release in 2026. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Pokoo, John Mark
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467093 , vital:76814
- Description: Access restricted. Expected release in 2026. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and blockchain technologies in advancing sustainable healthcare development in Kenya: a critique of dependency theory
- Monethi, Tlhokomelo Brigette Rethabile
- Authors: Monethi, Tlhokomelo Brigette Rethabile
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Artificial intelligence , Blockchains (Databases) , Dependency theory , Sustainable development , Health care reform Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466016 , vital:76677
- Description: This thesis explores the transformative potential of artificial intelligence (AI) and blockchain technologies in advancing healthcare delivery in Kenya through a critique of Dependency Theory. It investigates how these technologies contribute to improving accessibility, efficiency, and quality of care—particularly in underserved regions, while also addressing the structural dependencies that limit Kenya’s healthcare autonomy. Using a qualitative methodology, this study examines five case studies—Sophie Bot, Ilara Health, Tambua Health, AfyaRekod, and PanaBIOS—to highlight both the opportunities and challenges AI and blockchain present in reducing external reliance. Although AI-powered diagnostics and blockchain-based patient data management systems have revolutionised healthcare in Kenya, these technologies remain dependent on foreign capital and expertise for their development and maintenance. The research finds that while AI and blockchain technologies offer a path to leapfrog traditional barriers in healthcare delivery, their implementation critiques traditional notions of dependency theory. Nonetheless, the thesis identifies significant ethical considerations—including digital inequality, data privacy, and AI biases—that must be addressed to ensure equitable, self-sufficient healthcare provision. This study concludes with recommendations for fostering technological autonomy in Kenya's healthcare system, focusing on building local capacity, addressing infrastructural challenges, and aligning AI and blockchain integration with ethical and socio-cultural contexts. By doing this, this research contributes to the broader discourse on technology and healthcare in developing nations, offering pathways for reducing dependency and achieving sustainable healthcare development in Kenya. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Monethi, Tlhokomelo Brigette Rethabile
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Artificial intelligence , Blockchains (Databases) , Dependency theory , Sustainable development , Health care reform Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466016 , vital:76677
- Description: This thesis explores the transformative potential of artificial intelligence (AI) and blockchain technologies in advancing healthcare delivery in Kenya through a critique of Dependency Theory. It investigates how these technologies contribute to improving accessibility, efficiency, and quality of care—particularly in underserved regions, while also addressing the structural dependencies that limit Kenya’s healthcare autonomy. Using a qualitative methodology, this study examines five case studies—Sophie Bot, Ilara Health, Tambua Health, AfyaRekod, and PanaBIOS—to highlight both the opportunities and challenges AI and blockchain present in reducing external reliance. Although AI-powered diagnostics and blockchain-based patient data management systems have revolutionised healthcare in Kenya, these technologies remain dependent on foreign capital and expertise for their development and maintenance. The research finds that while AI and blockchain technologies offer a path to leapfrog traditional barriers in healthcare delivery, their implementation critiques traditional notions of dependency theory. Nonetheless, the thesis identifies significant ethical considerations—including digital inequality, data privacy, and AI biases—that must be addressed to ensure equitable, self-sufficient healthcare provision. This study concludes with recommendations for fostering technological autonomy in Kenya's healthcare system, focusing on building local capacity, addressing infrastructural challenges, and aligning AI and blockchain integration with ethical and socio-cultural contexts. By doing this, this research contributes to the broader discourse on technology and healthcare in developing nations, offering pathways for reducing dependency and achieving sustainable healthcare development in Kenya. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
Decolonizing the curriculum: a case study of the Humanities Faculty at Rhodes University
- Authors: Machiha, Nigel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Africanization , Curriculum change South Africa Makhanda , Decolonization , Rhodes University , Indigenization , Language barrier
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466005 , vital:76676
- Description: This thesis explores students’ experiences in the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University, specifically focusing on their perspectives on decolonization. The thesis has two central aims: first, to investigate the students’ general understanding of decolonizing the curriculum and second, to examine their experiences within the Humanities Faculty and their perception of how decolonized the faculty is. Through in-depth interviews with students in the faculty, the study aimed to answer questions regarding students’ thoughts on the decolonization of university curricula and their experiences within the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University. The findings reveal diverse student views on decolonization, with definitions of decolonization provided by students touching on topics such as the Africanization or Indigenization of the curriculum, systemic transformation, the importance of unlearning colonial ideologies and the relationship between language and decolonization. The students’ perceptions of the level of decolonization they witness in the faculty are categorized along three lines: the views of those who believe the departments they interact with are decolonized, the views of those who think efforts are being made but more progress is needed, and those who see no evidence of decolonization. The thesis highlights that while some students believe that positive steps towards decolonization are being taken, others express scepticism and call for a more diverse representation of scholars and scholarship and a departure from traditional Eurocentric approaches. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Machiha, Nigel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Africanization , Curriculum change South Africa Makhanda , Decolonization , Rhodes University , Indigenization , Language barrier
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466005 , vital:76676
- Description: This thesis explores students’ experiences in the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University, specifically focusing on their perspectives on decolonization. The thesis has two central aims: first, to investigate the students’ general understanding of decolonizing the curriculum and second, to examine their experiences within the Humanities Faculty and their perception of how decolonized the faculty is. Through in-depth interviews with students in the faculty, the study aimed to answer questions regarding students’ thoughts on the decolonization of university curricula and their experiences within the Faculty of Humanities at Rhodes University. The findings reveal diverse student views on decolonization, with definitions of decolonization provided by students touching on topics such as the Africanization or Indigenization of the curriculum, systemic transformation, the importance of unlearning colonial ideologies and the relationship between language and decolonization. The students’ perceptions of the level of decolonization they witness in the faculty are categorized along three lines: the views of those who believe the departments they interact with are decolonized, the views of those who think efforts are being made but more progress is needed, and those who see no evidence of decolonization. The thesis highlights that while some students believe that positive steps towards decolonization are being taken, others express scepticism and call for a more diverse representation of scholars and scholarship and a departure from traditional Eurocentric approaches. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The Amadiba Crisis Committee: sustaining mobilisation in Xolobeni, South Africa
- Authors: Nowicki, Lucas Joel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Amadiba Crisis Committee , Social movements South Africa , Civil society South Africa Political aspects , Environmental protest , Resource-based communities South Africa Eastern Cape , Grassroots movement
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466027 , vital:76678
- Description: This thesis seeks to understand how the Amadiba Crisis Committee (ACC), a rural movement from Xolobeni, has sustained mobilisation and worked with allies in civil society. The ACC was formed in 2007 in response to attempts by a mining company, Transworld Energy and Mineral Resources (TEM), to establish a sand mine off the coast of the Eastern Cape of South Africa. Since 2007, the ACC has achieved significant victories in their fight against imposed development projects they argue threaten existing livelihoods that rely on the land. This thesis theorises the ACC’s mobilisation by drawing on concepts such as political opportunity, resource mobilisation, repertoires of action, framing and resource frontiers’. The thesis responds to the research question(s) by undertaking a thematic analysis of textual data drawn from semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with ACC members and their allies in civil society, most of which were collected during fieldwork in Xolobeni. The study finds that the ACC has sustained mobilisation through the combination of more public and institutional repertoires of action with more subtle everyday forms of resistance. These repertoires include dynamic uses of the law and rights discourses to further the movement’s goals. The ACC also used more confrontational tactics whereby activists use their bodies to physically disrupt extractive projects’ operations, actions which are coordinated through communication networks and local leadership structures. Furthermore, the ACC promotes alternative development strategies in a way which can be conceived as a type of prefigurative politics whereby activists actualise and embody the types of relations and development they want to see in the world. Many of these tactics were supported and made possible due to the presence of allies in civil society such as Sustaining the Wild Coast (SWC). Although there is a risk that such allies may end up co-opting and undermining mobilisation, this risk has been averted because both the SWC and the ACC are committed to maintaining separation between the movement and NGO in mobilisation. The SWC’s support has included facilitating access to media and civil society networks located in urban areas and using these networks and social capital to access information and other necessary resources. Overall, the movement has sustained resistance to imposed development projects by drawing on strong existing historical community ties, using diverse repertoires to achieve goals and build the movement’s base, and by consistently outlining alternative development strategies as a positive vision to their mobilisation. This has consolidated the ACC as a movement and established them as a powerful force with the ability to shape local development, policy and public discourse. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Nowicki, Lucas Joel
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Amadiba Crisis Committee , Social movements South Africa , Civil society South Africa Political aspects , Environmental protest , Resource-based communities South Africa Eastern Cape , Grassroots movement
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466027 , vital:76678
- Description: This thesis seeks to understand how the Amadiba Crisis Committee (ACC), a rural movement from Xolobeni, has sustained mobilisation and worked with allies in civil society. The ACC was formed in 2007 in response to attempts by a mining company, Transworld Energy and Mineral Resources (TEM), to establish a sand mine off the coast of the Eastern Cape of South Africa. Since 2007, the ACC has achieved significant victories in their fight against imposed development projects they argue threaten existing livelihoods that rely on the land. This thesis theorises the ACC’s mobilisation by drawing on concepts such as political opportunity, resource mobilisation, repertoires of action, framing and resource frontiers’. The thesis responds to the research question(s) by undertaking a thematic analysis of textual data drawn from semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with ACC members and their allies in civil society, most of which were collected during fieldwork in Xolobeni. The study finds that the ACC has sustained mobilisation through the combination of more public and institutional repertoires of action with more subtle everyday forms of resistance. These repertoires include dynamic uses of the law and rights discourses to further the movement’s goals. The ACC also used more confrontational tactics whereby activists use their bodies to physically disrupt extractive projects’ operations, actions which are coordinated through communication networks and local leadership structures. Furthermore, the ACC promotes alternative development strategies in a way which can be conceived as a type of prefigurative politics whereby activists actualise and embody the types of relations and development they want to see in the world. Many of these tactics were supported and made possible due to the presence of allies in civil society such as Sustaining the Wild Coast (SWC). Although there is a risk that such allies may end up co-opting and undermining mobilisation, this risk has been averted because both the SWC and the ACC are committed to maintaining separation between the movement and NGO in mobilisation. The SWC’s support has included facilitating access to media and civil society networks located in urban areas and using these networks and social capital to access information and other necessary resources. Overall, the movement has sustained resistance to imposed development projects by drawing on strong existing historical community ties, using diverse repertoires to achieve goals and build the movement’s base, and by consistently outlining alternative development strategies as a positive vision to their mobilisation. This has consolidated the ACC as a movement and established them as a powerful force with the ability to shape local development, policy and public discourse. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The making of masculinities: the hidden curriculum about Gender-Based Violence and Rape Culture at an elite private school in South Africa
- Authors: Talbot, Alexandreo Zinhle
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Masculinity South Africa , Private schools South Africa , Rape culture , Gender-based violence , Hegemony , High school students Attitudes , Hierarchies
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466038 , vital:76679
- Description: This study examines the formation of ‘ruling class’ masculinities and their relationship to gender-based violence (GBV) and rape culture at an elite private school (called Blue School for the purposes of this study). Through interviews with alumni, the research explores the recollections and narratives of young men in terms of how they navigated and experienced masculine identity formation in the school context during their adolescence, and also deciphers their awareness regarding GBV and rape culture. The findings demonstrate that identity formation within the school studied is complex and often reflected as a Western-centric masculinity drenched in heteronormativity. This is captured through the shared experiences alumni of the school regarding their adherence to traditional values, submission to hierarchical structures, collective mockery of vulnerability and the instillation of competitive individualism. The alumni speak to the ways in which boyhood and gender are conceptualised through the taught curriculum, contrasted with the hidden scripts of masculinities in the boarding school environment. The complex interplay between institutional culture and the formation of gender identities shows a superficial adherence to progressive ideals, unveiling the entrenched hegemonic practices that reinforce restrictive norms. Most alumni expressed a sense of living in an isolated bubble, where wrongdoings are swept under the carpet. Through these practices, elite private schools depict institutional blindness as an entangled strategy to protect institutional reputation and capital. Insinuating irrelevance of GBV within elite private boys’ schools emphasises the racist and homophobic discourses that deem who is capable of performing and experiencing gendered and sexual violence. By drawing on African feminism and Foucault, the study provides insight into the pervasive disciplinary mechanisms and their lasting impact on the alumni’s personal and social embodiment of masculinity. This highlights the urgent need for a reimagined approach to masculinity that is inclusive and cognizant of historical and socio-political nuances. The thesis calls for a systemic examination of the elite private school system across South Africa and African-centred pro-feminist educational strategies to address the genealogical discourses embedded in these institutions. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Talbot, Alexandreo Zinhle
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Masculinity South Africa , Private schools South Africa , Rape culture , Gender-based violence , Hegemony , High school students Attitudes , Hierarchies
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466038 , vital:76679
- Description: This study examines the formation of ‘ruling class’ masculinities and their relationship to gender-based violence (GBV) and rape culture at an elite private school (called Blue School for the purposes of this study). Through interviews with alumni, the research explores the recollections and narratives of young men in terms of how they navigated and experienced masculine identity formation in the school context during their adolescence, and also deciphers their awareness regarding GBV and rape culture. The findings demonstrate that identity formation within the school studied is complex and often reflected as a Western-centric masculinity drenched in heteronormativity. This is captured through the shared experiences alumni of the school regarding their adherence to traditional values, submission to hierarchical structures, collective mockery of vulnerability and the instillation of competitive individualism. The alumni speak to the ways in which boyhood and gender are conceptualised through the taught curriculum, contrasted with the hidden scripts of masculinities in the boarding school environment. The complex interplay between institutional culture and the formation of gender identities shows a superficial adherence to progressive ideals, unveiling the entrenched hegemonic practices that reinforce restrictive norms. Most alumni expressed a sense of living in an isolated bubble, where wrongdoings are swept under the carpet. Through these practices, elite private schools depict institutional blindness as an entangled strategy to protect institutional reputation and capital. Insinuating irrelevance of GBV within elite private boys’ schools emphasises the racist and homophobic discourses that deem who is capable of performing and experiencing gendered and sexual violence. By drawing on African feminism and Foucault, the study provides insight into the pervasive disciplinary mechanisms and their lasting impact on the alumni’s personal and social embodiment of masculinity. This highlights the urgent need for a reimagined approach to masculinity that is inclusive and cognizant of historical and socio-political nuances. The thesis calls for a systemic examination of the elite private school system across South Africa and African-centred pro-feminist educational strategies to address the genealogical discourses embedded in these institutions. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
Ukuma njenge ndoda: the making of Xhosa masculinities in Mthatha, Eastern Cape
- Authors: Silosini, Tandokazi
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Xhosa (African people) South Africa Mthatha , Men, Black South Africa Mthatha , Men Identity , Masculinity , Gender-based violence
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466317 , vital:76717
- Description: This study examines how young men construct their masculine identities in daily life through the collection of activities that happen throughout young men's lives in Mthatha, Eastern Cape. The aim of the research is to examine how black men construct their identity as men. It seeks to examine the everyday ways in which young men speak of their masculinity, how they understand themselves in relation to women and the causes of gender-based and sexual violence in South Africa. The study conceptualises Xhosa masculinities and manhood within the framework of masculinist violence and the state. It demonstrates the intersection of manhood violence and the state within the discipline of international relations which is characterised by ideas of state security and war. Interviews with Xhosa men in Mthatha illuminated that boys are raised to be men who stand, articulated as ukuma njenge ndoda (standing up as a man), for themselves, family and community. Ukuma operates as an assertion and protection of self, a demonstration of independence and being self-sustaining. It importantly speaks to the gendered division of labour where over and above standing up for oneself, it is a man’s duty and responsibility “ukumela izinto zekhaya” – to stand up for his home and family. This thesis shows that the different forms that ukuma carry with them expectations of dominance and control or at least maintain the appearance of it. Ultimately, the concept of ukuma serves as a way to legitimise the use of force or violence in certain instances where men feel that an act of violence constitutes ukuzimela (standing up for himself) or ukumela ikhaya (standing up for his family). The masculinising of this duty implicates not only the men it is bestowed upon the women and children who are the ones supposedly protected and provided for. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Silosini, Tandokazi
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Xhosa (African people) South Africa Mthatha , Men, Black South Africa Mthatha , Men Identity , Masculinity , Gender-based violence
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466317 , vital:76717
- Description: This study examines how young men construct their masculine identities in daily life through the collection of activities that happen throughout young men's lives in Mthatha, Eastern Cape. The aim of the research is to examine how black men construct their identity as men. It seeks to examine the everyday ways in which young men speak of their masculinity, how they understand themselves in relation to women and the causes of gender-based and sexual violence in South Africa. The study conceptualises Xhosa masculinities and manhood within the framework of masculinist violence and the state. It demonstrates the intersection of manhood violence and the state within the discipline of international relations which is characterised by ideas of state security and war. Interviews with Xhosa men in Mthatha illuminated that boys are raised to be men who stand, articulated as ukuma njenge ndoda (standing up as a man), for themselves, family and community. Ukuma operates as an assertion and protection of self, a demonstration of independence and being self-sustaining. It importantly speaks to the gendered division of labour where over and above standing up for oneself, it is a man’s duty and responsibility “ukumela izinto zekhaya” – to stand up for his home and family. This thesis shows that the different forms that ukuma carry with them expectations of dominance and control or at least maintain the appearance of it. Ultimately, the concept of ukuma serves as a way to legitimise the use of force or violence in certain instances where men feel that an act of violence constitutes ukuzimela (standing up for himself) or ukumela ikhaya (standing up for his family). The masculinising of this duty implicates not only the men it is bestowed upon the women and children who are the ones supposedly protected and provided for. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
A battle of values: analysing the changing attitudes towards African refugees in Europe
- Authors: Mannion, Megan Kate
- Date: 2024-04-04
- Subjects: Refugees Africa , Refugees Public opinion Europe , Cosmopolitanism , Communitarianism , Racism against Black people , Xenophobia in mass media
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/435525 , vital:73165
- Description: Cosmopolitanism is a moral perspective that stresses the importance that every human being is an equal and ultimate unit of moral concern. These principles make cosmopolitanism more concerned for and accommodative towards outsiders to a political community. Against the abstraction and universalism of cosmopolitanism, communitarianism emphasizes the role communities play in shaping our individual identities and sees it as justified that the interests and well-being of community members receive priority over those of outsiders. Both these value systems are present in Europe. The question is about which direction the trend has moved in recent decades. This dissertation examines the changing values that inform attitudes toward African refugees in Europe to get at this issue. Have attitudes towards African refugees shifted in a cosmopolitan or a communitarian direction in recent decades? This dissertation examines newspaper articles from The Guardian between 1990 and 2022 to track changes in value. The analysis of these articles uncovered that communitarian values were the most prevalent and stayed the most prevalent from 1990 to 2022. These findings indicate that communitarian values are higher than cosmopolitan values regarding African refugees within the general European context. These findings add to the growing body of knowledge regarding attitude shifts, and they provide a timeline for value changes that can help predict future values and be used in future comparative studies. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04-04
- Authors: Mannion, Megan Kate
- Date: 2024-04-04
- Subjects: Refugees Africa , Refugees Public opinion Europe , Cosmopolitanism , Communitarianism , Racism against Black people , Xenophobia in mass media
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/435525 , vital:73165
- Description: Cosmopolitanism is a moral perspective that stresses the importance that every human being is an equal and ultimate unit of moral concern. These principles make cosmopolitanism more concerned for and accommodative towards outsiders to a political community. Against the abstraction and universalism of cosmopolitanism, communitarianism emphasizes the role communities play in shaping our individual identities and sees it as justified that the interests and well-being of community members receive priority over those of outsiders. Both these value systems are present in Europe. The question is about which direction the trend has moved in recent decades. This dissertation examines the changing values that inform attitudes toward African refugees in Europe to get at this issue. Have attitudes towards African refugees shifted in a cosmopolitan or a communitarian direction in recent decades? This dissertation examines newspaper articles from The Guardian between 1990 and 2022 to track changes in value. The analysis of these articles uncovered that communitarian values were the most prevalent and stayed the most prevalent from 1990 to 2022. These findings indicate that communitarian values are higher than cosmopolitan values regarding African refugees within the general European context. These findings add to the growing body of knowledge regarding attitude shifts, and they provide a timeline for value changes that can help predict future values and be used in future comparative studies. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04-04
Changing lenses: the problems and potential of liberalism in South Africa
- Authors: Songelwa, Chuma
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Mills, Charles W (Charles Wade) , The Racial Contract , Liberalism South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Political culture South Africa , Imperialism South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425283 , vital:72226
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Songelwa, Chuma
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Mills, Charles W (Charles Wade) , The Racial Contract , Liberalism South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1994- , Political culture South Africa , Imperialism South Africa , Post-apartheid era South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425283 , vital:72226
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Evaluating liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding : the case of Sierra Leone
- Authors: Sitole, Sivuyile
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Peace-building Sierra Leone , Sierra Leone Politics and government 1961- , Nation-building , Postwar reconstruction Sierra Leone
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425278 , vital:72225
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Sitole, Sivuyile
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Peace-building Sierra Leone , Sierra Leone Politics and government 1961- , Nation-building , Postwar reconstruction Sierra Leone
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425278 , vital:72225
- Description: This thesis explores liberal and hybrid approaches to peacebuilding and their decisiveness in building sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions have been dominated by liberal peacebuilding, also known as liberal state-building. Post-conflict states have been transforming to replicate liberal states due to assumptions of liberal states being more peaceful and less likely to fall into conflict again than non-liberal states. There is growing criticism regarding the effectiveness of this approach as its initiatives have not always translated to sustainable peace. This failure is attributed to its minimal inclusion or exclusion of local actors in the peacebuilding process as well as its application of standardised approaches in complex contexts. In response to these shortfalls, international peacebuilding scholars propose an alternative approach that would combine the liberal and the local to produce a hybrid peace, which is inclusive and context-specific. This thesis tests the decisiveness of these approaches by examining the successful peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It then concludes that the peacebuilding interventions of Sierra Leone demonstrate how liberal peacebuilding initiatives have little or limited success when conducted without the inclusion of local actors. However, when local actors are included in the peace-building process to make meaningful contributions (hybrid peacebuilding), peacebuilding initiatives can have a much larger impact on society. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Racism against Black soccer players in the English Premier League
- Authors: Zinyemba, Douglas Takudzwa
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Racism in sports , Soccer players England , Athletes, Black England , FA Premier League , Racism in mass media , Soccer fans , Race discrimination , Online hate speech
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425300 , vital:72227
- Description: This study analyses racism against black players in the English Premier League. To that end, this thesis studies online articles published between 2018 and 2021 by two British tabloids, namely, The Daily Mail and The Sun, to make sense of the various ways in which black soccer players experience racism. This thesis uses the theoretical concept of “racial xenophobia” to analyse and understand expressions of antipathy towards black players playing in the Premier League. A key finding in the thesis suggests that fans and players racially abuse black players in the stadiums by liking them to animals and treating them as sub-human. Another finding in the study is that fans use the bad performances of black players as an excuse to racially abuse them via social media platforms. Social media in the 21st century has now accelerated the rate at which racism is perpetrated as fans now have more access to players through their accounts. The study also found that tabloids do not only report about racist abuse but are also guilty of portraying black players in racially stereotypical ways. This research concludes that racism against black players remains a constant feature of football in the English Premier League from the time black players started to feature in the sport in the 1970s. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Zinyemba, Douglas Takudzwa
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Racism in sports , Soccer players England , Athletes, Black England , FA Premier League , Racism in mass media , Soccer fans , Race discrimination , Online hate speech
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/425300 , vital:72227
- Description: This study analyses racism against black players in the English Premier League. To that end, this thesis studies online articles published between 2018 and 2021 by two British tabloids, namely, The Daily Mail and The Sun, to make sense of the various ways in which black soccer players experience racism. This thesis uses the theoretical concept of “racial xenophobia” to analyse and understand expressions of antipathy towards black players playing in the Premier League. A key finding in the thesis suggests that fans and players racially abuse black players in the stadiums by liking them to animals and treating them as sub-human. Another finding in the study is that fans use the bad performances of black players as an excuse to racially abuse them via social media platforms. Social media in the 21st century has now accelerated the rate at which racism is perpetrated as fans now have more access to players through their accounts. The study also found that tabloids do not only report about racist abuse but are also guilty of portraying black players in racially stereotypical ways. This research concludes that racism against black players remains a constant feature of football in the English Premier League from the time black players started to feature in the sport in the 1970s. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
The CODESRIA debate on academic and intellectual freedom in Africa: the role and responsibility of African intellectuals
- Authors: Cabe, Loyiso
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Codesria , Academic freedom , Social responsibility , Neoliberalism , Pan-Africanism , Colonization , Decolonization , Neocolonialism , Intellectuals Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/431463 , vital:72774
- Description: According to Fagunwa (2011), intellectuals serve as the glue that binds societies together and serve as the foundation upon which new civilizations are created and dismantled. The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) of 1990 entrusted intellectuals with crucial transformative tasks (roles) and responsibilities in Africa. This study explores the transformational roles and responsibilities of African intellectuals in neo-liberal and neo-colonial Africa as well as how academic freedom must be understood by African academics in accordance with the present debate on academic freedom in South Africa, which was fueled by Nattrass (2020) paper. The primary premise of this study is that academic freedom in Africa today is viewed differently than it was during the CODESRIA meeting on academic freedom in 1990, and that this is because of African intellectuals not carrying out their roles and responsibilities in Africa. In CODESRIA 1990, academic freedom referred to an academic’s unrestricted, yet responsible, right to pursue their academic interests (CODESRIA 1990; Kampala Declaration 1990). African academics now understand academic freedom to be merely their own freedom, unrelated to their responsibility to use it ethically and professionally. Hence, for them, academic freedom entails the freedom to express oneself without restrictions or fear of criticism (Chachage, 2008; Nattrass, 2020b; Esso, and Long, 2020). Looking at this current misinterpretation of academic freedom, the 1990 CODESRIA meeting is a good reference point to the debate on academic freedom in Africa and role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This is because, it was where academic freedom and the role and responsibility of African intellectuals in Africa was professionally conceptualized. Thus, this study reviews the 1990 CODESRIA debate to understand the role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This study utilizes two theories, Social Constructivism Theory and the Social Responsibility Theory, to explain the position it has taken on the subject at hand. Thus, these theories provide an umbrella and a point of departure for understanding the context and dynamics of the ongoing conflict between academic freedom and social responsibility in South Africa's higher education institutions. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Cabe, Loyiso
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Codesria , Academic freedom , Social responsibility , Neoliberalism , Pan-Africanism , Colonization , Decolonization , Neocolonialism , Intellectuals Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/431463 , vital:72774
- Description: According to Fagunwa (2011), intellectuals serve as the glue that binds societies together and serve as the foundation upon which new civilizations are created and dismantled. The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) of 1990 entrusted intellectuals with crucial transformative tasks (roles) and responsibilities in Africa. This study explores the transformational roles and responsibilities of African intellectuals in neo-liberal and neo-colonial Africa as well as how academic freedom must be understood by African academics in accordance with the present debate on academic freedom in South Africa, which was fueled by Nattrass (2020) paper. The primary premise of this study is that academic freedom in Africa today is viewed differently than it was during the CODESRIA meeting on academic freedom in 1990, and that this is because of African intellectuals not carrying out their roles and responsibilities in Africa. In CODESRIA 1990, academic freedom referred to an academic’s unrestricted, yet responsible, right to pursue their academic interests (CODESRIA 1990; Kampala Declaration 1990). African academics now understand academic freedom to be merely their own freedom, unrelated to their responsibility to use it ethically and professionally. Hence, for them, academic freedom entails the freedom to express oneself without restrictions or fear of criticism (Chachage, 2008; Nattrass, 2020b; Esso, and Long, 2020). Looking at this current misinterpretation of academic freedom, the 1990 CODESRIA meeting is a good reference point to the debate on academic freedom in Africa and role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This is because, it was where academic freedom and the role and responsibility of African intellectuals in Africa was professionally conceptualized. Thus, this study reviews the 1990 CODESRIA debate to understand the role and responsibility of African intellectuals. This study utilizes two theories, Social Constructivism Theory and the Social Responsibility Theory, to explain the position it has taken on the subject at hand. Thus, these theories provide an umbrella and a point of departure for understanding the context and dynamics of the ongoing conflict between academic freedom and social responsibility in South Africa's higher education institutions. , Thesis (MSocSci) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Inadequate menstrual health management and human rights
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Menstrual hygiene management , Human rights , Political philosophy , Transgression , Women Social conditions , Economic, social and cultural rights
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Hartley, Gemma-Maé
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Menstrual hygiene management , Human rights , Political philosophy , Transgression , Women Social conditions , Economic, social and cultural rights
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/422506 , vital:71953
- Description: Various human rights bodies have suggested that Inadequate Menstrual Health Management (MHM) could contribute to violations of human rights or, at the very least, is connected to the fulfilment of human rights. Despite recognition of this, there has not been thorough analysis of whether inadequate MHM is a violation of human rights, particularly in political discussions on the philosophy of human rights. Using a liberal cosmopolitan framework, this thesis attempts to bridge this gap and, ultimately, to argue that inadequate MHM constitutes a violation of human rights. This assertion brings with it various complications due to the heavily contested nature of human rights, their correlative duties, and the requirements for a lack of fulfilment to be considered a violation. I address each complication in turn. I argue that the traditional approach to human rights violations fails to consider the various ways that human rights are violated in our contemporary, globalised world. I suggest that structural violations of human rights should not be ruled out, particularly when we consider severe poverty and its by-products. Ultimately, the question of inadequate MHM is concerned with the content of human rights. If inadequate MHM were a violation, it would be a violation of women’s socio-economic rights. However, both group rights and socio-economic rights are contested. This thesis therefore justifies these rights. Group-differentiated rights are argued to be necessary for substantive equality. This is particularly the case when we consider the various risks women face simply because they are women. Women therefore need special protections and provisions for their human rights to be fulfilled. Socio-economic rights are necessary for the well-being and dignity of individuals everywhere. We can justify them even if they are costly, vague, and demanding on states, as critics argue they are. Therefore, if we can accept socio-economic rights and women’s rights, we can argue that inadequate MHM is a structural violation of human rights. Thinking about inadequate MHM in this way means we can respond to it with a level of urgency. This has the potential to improve the well-being, development, and dignity of women. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
The governance of schools for internally displaced learners in Puntland, Somalia: a top-down or bottom-up approach to education peacebuilding?
- Authors: Ramaite, Adivhaho Florence
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Peace-building Somalia Puntland , Internally displaced persons Education Somalia Puntland , School management and organization Somalia Puntland , Educational governance , Top-down and bottom-up design
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406807 , vital:70309
- Description: This study examines educational governance in schools for internally displaced learners in Puntland, Somalia. Many Somalis have been internally displaced from the south and central of Somalia and neighbouring regions because of armed insurgence, as well as climate and ecological disasters. Communities of internally displaced Somalis who have settled in the north-eastern region of Somalia, together with the Ministry of Education and nongovernmental organisations such as Relief International, have established schools for internally displaced learners. The study uses interviews with teachers, school principals and school committee members to examine their experiences of how schools are governed, specifically in terms of the bottom-up and top-down approaches to peacebuilding education. This research study is the first of its kind to examine the experiences of education actors in internally displaced person schools in Somalia. It provides crucial, new information on northern NGOs and how they shape the governance of knowledge and resources in Somali schools and how Somali education actors interpret and respond to these interventions. Drawing on education studies and international relations, it develops a transdisciplinary framing of peacebuilding education and specifically focuses on the top-down and bottom-up approaches to peacebuilding education provision. It weaves these two disciplinary perspectives together to help establish the implications of the security sector in education and broadly post-conflict reconstruction. The study finds that donors, international NGOs and government actors use a top-down approach to education, which may sit at odds with local needs and priorities. It finds that Somali knowledge and values are marginalised in the curriculum and teachers’ professional development and that the distribution of resources such as teacher salaries and school feeding programmes is fragmented, opaque and lacking in accountability. The study emphasises that the exclusion of local voices may further contribute to the causes underlying conflict. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Ramaite, Adivhaho Florence
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Peace-building Somalia Puntland , Internally displaced persons Education Somalia Puntland , School management and organization Somalia Puntland , Educational governance , Top-down and bottom-up design
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406807 , vital:70309
- Description: This study examines educational governance in schools for internally displaced learners in Puntland, Somalia. Many Somalis have been internally displaced from the south and central of Somalia and neighbouring regions because of armed insurgence, as well as climate and ecological disasters. Communities of internally displaced Somalis who have settled in the north-eastern region of Somalia, together with the Ministry of Education and nongovernmental organisations such as Relief International, have established schools for internally displaced learners. The study uses interviews with teachers, school principals and school committee members to examine their experiences of how schools are governed, specifically in terms of the bottom-up and top-down approaches to peacebuilding education. This research study is the first of its kind to examine the experiences of education actors in internally displaced person schools in Somalia. It provides crucial, new information on northern NGOs and how they shape the governance of knowledge and resources in Somali schools and how Somali education actors interpret and respond to these interventions. Drawing on education studies and international relations, it develops a transdisciplinary framing of peacebuilding education and specifically focuses on the top-down and bottom-up approaches to peacebuilding education provision. It weaves these two disciplinary perspectives together to help establish the implications of the security sector in education and broadly post-conflict reconstruction. The study finds that donors, international NGOs and government actors use a top-down approach to education, which may sit at odds with local needs and priorities. It finds that Somali knowledge and values are marginalised in the curriculum and teachers’ professional development and that the distribution of resources such as teacher salaries and school feeding programmes is fragmented, opaque and lacking in accountability. The study emphasises that the exclusion of local voices may further contribute to the causes underlying conflict. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Joice Mujuru and the Zanu-PF Women’s League 1973-2014: opportunities and limits of maternal dignity (musha mukadzi) and self-preservation
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
- Authors: Mataruse, Sisasenkosi
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Mujuru, Amai Joice T R (Amai Joice Teurai Ropa) , ZANU Women's League , Women and democracy Zimbabwe , Women Political activity Zimbabwe , Political leadership Zimbabwe , Sexism in political culture Zimbabwe , Patriarchy Zimbabwe , Women Zimbabwe Social conditions , Maternal dignity (musha mukadzi)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/292748 , vital:57012
- Description: The foundations of African feminisms are intertwined with the historical liberation of the African continent. Joice Mujuru’s five decades in Zimbabwean political parties are no different in showing the gendered nature of the fight against the intersectional oppressions of nation, race, class and gender. The research aimed to examine the political life of Joice Mujuru between 1973 and 2018 in various political roles and what this might mean for how women political leaders participate and make decisions as autonomous individuals within political parties in Zimbabwe. This study is a political biography of Joice Mujuru’s ideas and leadership in political parties in Zimbabwe since 1973, when she joined the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a guerilla of its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). Mujuru was the only woman in the first ZANU-PF cabinet in 1980. She served the Zimbabwean government in different cabinet positions and became the first female vice-president in 2004, until her ousting in 2014. This study is based on an interview with Mujuru, and nine interviews with one Member of Parliament, two independent political party candidates, three academics, two CSO activists, the leader of LEAD political party in Zimbabwe and personal communication with a celebrated Zimbabwean writer. The study uses the concept of “patriarchal bargain” (Kandiyoti, 1988; Makhunga, 2016) and “femocracy” (Mama, 1995b) to show that Mujuru’s participation in political parties has been shaped by compromising and negotiating a complex web of patriarchal constraints for acceptance and respect. This study shows that wifehood and motherhood, the idea of musha mukadzi (‘woman as home’), stands out as a defining factor for Mujuru in her identity formation as a political party leader and how she views the roles of other women in Zimbabwean political parties and politics. I term this political identity maternal dignity, which is a collective set of ideas of maternal respect determining women’s participation in political parties. The study shows that Mujuru uses dominant ideas of maternal dignity as a tool of self-presentation and self-preservation to survive as a political leader. Mujuru’s expulsion from ZANU-PF and her subsequent leadership in other political parties demonstrates the ways in which maternal dignity limits women from shaping alternative ideas of leadership outside of respectable womanhood. Through a political biography of Mujuru, the study reaches the conclusion that post-independence Zimbabwe offers limited space for women’s leadership, whether those women have liberation history credentials or not. The strategy of maternal dignity that Mujuru has used to navigate her political career is a “patriarchal bargain” with limited possibilities for women’s meaningful participation, and the transformation of political parties and governance in Zimbabwe. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-07
Inkcitha nzila nobomi obutsha (The release of the widow and life after mourning): Xhosa widows and citizenship
- Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Jimlongo, Gcotyelwa Nomxolisi
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Widows South Africa Eastern Cape , Women, Black South Africa Eastern Cape , Xhosa (African people) South Africa Eastern Cape , Widows Social conditions , Widowhood Psychological aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Economic aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Widowhood Social aspects South Africa Eastern Cape , Mourning customs South Africa Eastern Cape , Feminist economics South Africa Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192220 , vital:45206
- Description: This study examines the everyday conceptions and navigations of citizenship by Xhosa widows. It examines widows’ own understandings and experiences of citizenship once the official mourning period, known amongst amaXhosa as ukuzila, has ended. The study draws from 14 interviews with Xhosa widows from the Amalinda, Tsholomnqa, Mdantsane, Magcumeni, KwaNonkcampa, and Dimbaza areas in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. This thesis contextualises claims to widowhood in the context of democratic South Africa, and the various ways in which widowed women conceptualise their lives after ukuzila. While ukuzila itself is written about in the literature, the contentious claims to widowhood and the ways in which women come to make sense of their lives in the post-mourning period remains largely unexplored. Interviews were conducted with women who had undertaken customary and/or civil marriages, had divorced or separated from their partners, or had cohabited. They reveal that widowhood is tenuous and as such, remains contested and contestable. The study demonstrates that much of the claims to widowhood are made because of the undeniable labour that women perform during the partnerships, where they are the primary economic providers. The study shows that whether in the formal and informal sector, women have been central in building the economic livelihoods of their families. In the post-mourning period, the theme of ukuhlala (to stay) that is articulated by widows, shows that they choose to remain in their marital homes to protect what they have laboured for. The findings demonstrate that the key to ‘good’ widowhood is intricately linked to ‘good’ motherhood. For Xhosa widows, much of their decision-making, and livelihood strategies, rests on how they craft good livelihoods for their families. These include a negotiation of feminist economies with woman-centred networks, a reliance on spirituality, as well as negotiations for dignity and respect within the homestead through the protection and maintenance of what they have built over the years. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29