Rationalisation of magisterial districts to transform the judiciary and widen access to justice under the RSA constitution of 1996
- Authors: Skosana, Jacob
- Date: 2024-01
- Subjects: Justice, Administration of , Law and socialism , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28162 , vital:72777
- Description: The study examines how pre-1994 magisterial districts jurisdictions denied access to justice to many South Africans, and ongoing efforts to reverse this injustice. Delayed rationalisation of the judiciary and reform of the courts territorial jurisdiction during the apartheid era exacerbated the problem. The courts administered justice along spatial racial divide, and given the location of the courts, many black communities had to commute long distances to access justice and at a great cost and inconvenience. The Constitution of South Africa of 1996 provides not only for the right to equality before the law and equal protection and benefit of the law but also the right to access the courts and seek recourse. In a period spanning eight years from December 2014, new magisterial districts were proclaimed in all the nine provinces of South Africa. Despite this milestone and the imperative of the 1996 Constitution, the rationalisation process is still in its infancy: old legislation and judicial structures remain intact; divisions of the High Court continue to exercise jurisdictions determined for the pre-1994 constitutional dispensation. The status quo continues to perpetuate the denial of access to justice to communities especially those living in areas that hitherto formed part of the former homelands and self-governing ‘states’. The study was conducted through a desktop survey of primary and secondary material relevant to the rationalisation process. It drew lessons from the re-demarcation of municipal boundaries which, like magisterial districts, were based on racial laws and policies of the past. It also contrasted rationalisation principles in comparable jurisdictions. The findings provide a useful contribution to the ongoing effort to effect rationalisation of the court system. They also contribute to knowledge and enriches our understanding of the relationship that underpins the administration of justice in a dispensation driven by democratic, human rights and constitutional ethos. , Thesis (PhD (LLD)) -- Faculty of Law, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-01
- Authors: Skosana, Jacob
- Date: 2024-01
- Subjects: Justice, Administration of , Law and socialism , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28162 , vital:72777
- Description: The study examines how pre-1994 magisterial districts jurisdictions denied access to justice to many South Africans, and ongoing efforts to reverse this injustice. Delayed rationalisation of the judiciary and reform of the courts territorial jurisdiction during the apartheid era exacerbated the problem. The courts administered justice along spatial racial divide, and given the location of the courts, many black communities had to commute long distances to access justice and at a great cost and inconvenience. The Constitution of South Africa of 1996 provides not only for the right to equality before the law and equal protection and benefit of the law but also the right to access the courts and seek recourse. In a period spanning eight years from December 2014, new magisterial districts were proclaimed in all the nine provinces of South Africa. Despite this milestone and the imperative of the 1996 Constitution, the rationalisation process is still in its infancy: old legislation and judicial structures remain intact; divisions of the High Court continue to exercise jurisdictions determined for the pre-1994 constitutional dispensation. The status quo continues to perpetuate the denial of access to justice to communities especially those living in areas that hitherto formed part of the former homelands and self-governing ‘states’. The study was conducted through a desktop survey of primary and secondary material relevant to the rationalisation process. It drew lessons from the re-demarcation of municipal boundaries which, like magisterial districts, were based on racial laws and policies of the past. It also contrasted rationalisation principles in comparable jurisdictions. The findings provide a useful contribution to the ongoing effort to effect rationalisation of the court system. They also contribute to knowledge and enriches our understanding of the relationship that underpins the administration of justice in a dispensation driven by democratic, human rights and constitutional ethos. , Thesis (PhD (LLD)) -- Faculty of Law, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-01
The protection of the rights of people with disabilities in the South African workplace: a critical analysis
- Xokozela, Nwabisa https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6943-219X
- Authors: Xokozela, Nwabisa https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6943-219X
- Date: 2022-11
- Subjects: People with disabilities -- Legal status, laws, etc. , Human rights -- South Africa , People with disabilities -- Government policy
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28444 , vital:74332
- Description: In the past, persons with disabilities were marginalised and suffered many disadvantages because of oppression. As a result, that had become an obstacle for them to enjoy their basic rights such as social, political and economic rights. Judging from the inequalities in the workplace, disability appears to be the main challenge hindering the progress of achieving equal prospects and fair treatment in many countries, including South Africa, especially in the workplace. That has resulted in most persons with disabilities living in poverty or rather depending on social support from the government in order to survive, due to employment discrimination. Policies, transformative programmes and employment laws have been promulgated to address employment discrimination. Some of the promulgated transformative programmes were developed to enforce section 9 of the Constitution. However, persons with disabilities are still faced with challenges of discriminatory practices in the workplace even today. This study is impelled by how ineffective these employment laws are, especially when safeguarding of persons with disabilities is concerned. Apart from the ineffectiveness of the current labour legislation in protecting the rights of persons with disabilities, the study aims at identifying how equality rights can be used by disability movements in order to influence policy development and implementation to advance access to work for persons with disabilities, and to further provide them with reasonable accommodation to be able to thrive within the workplace. Also, deriving some guidance from the international perspective of governing disability rights is of paramount importance in achieving equality within the working environment. It is thus extremely important to adopt compelling speedy actions to promote equal rights in the context of disability by bringing proportional aspects of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (PEPUDA) into action. That can be achieved if the policies and legislation created can be interpreted in a manner that is equal and effective, and that promotes implementation more than theory. Therefore, dealing with discrimination against persons with disabilities signifies an essential aspect in defeating the elevated inequality in the apartheid era, which disempowers the recognised constitutional democracy. , Thesis (LLM) -- Faculty of Law, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-11
- Authors: Xokozela, Nwabisa https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6943-219X
- Date: 2022-11
- Subjects: People with disabilities -- Legal status, laws, etc. , Human rights -- South Africa , People with disabilities -- Government policy
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28444 , vital:74332
- Description: In the past, persons with disabilities were marginalised and suffered many disadvantages because of oppression. As a result, that had become an obstacle for them to enjoy their basic rights such as social, political and economic rights. Judging from the inequalities in the workplace, disability appears to be the main challenge hindering the progress of achieving equal prospects and fair treatment in many countries, including South Africa, especially in the workplace. That has resulted in most persons with disabilities living in poverty or rather depending on social support from the government in order to survive, due to employment discrimination. Policies, transformative programmes and employment laws have been promulgated to address employment discrimination. Some of the promulgated transformative programmes were developed to enforce section 9 of the Constitution. However, persons with disabilities are still faced with challenges of discriminatory practices in the workplace even today. This study is impelled by how ineffective these employment laws are, especially when safeguarding of persons with disabilities is concerned. Apart from the ineffectiveness of the current labour legislation in protecting the rights of persons with disabilities, the study aims at identifying how equality rights can be used by disability movements in order to influence policy development and implementation to advance access to work for persons with disabilities, and to further provide them with reasonable accommodation to be able to thrive within the workplace. Also, deriving some guidance from the international perspective of governing disability rights is of paramount importance in achieving equality within the working environment. It is thus extremely important to adopt compelling speedy actions to promote equal rights in the context of disability by bringing proportional aspects of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (PEPUDA) into action. That can be achieved if the policies and legislation created can be interpreted in a manner that is equal and effective, and that promotes implementation more than theory. Therefore, dealing with discrimination against persons with disabilities signifies an essential aspect in defeating the elevated inequality in the apartheid era, which disempowers the recognised constitutional democracy. , Thesis (LLM) -- Faculty of Law, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-11
Civil protests and their impact on human rights in the Republic of South Africa
- Authors: Melvin, Kokwe Sonwabo
- Date: 2021-03
- Subjects: Protest movements -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28184 , vital:73806
- Description: This mini dissertation investigates civil protests and their impact on human rights in the Republic of South Africa. South Africa is a democratic country that subscribes to representative democracy. Its civilians vote for political parties that elect members to represent them in parliament or in government. Civilians are not members of armed forces, such as police, soldiers, or fire fighters. These people are ordinary citizen with no power or authority to engage in war as they do not have arms or gear to do so. Whenever they feel aggrieved with situation or action by authorities (political leaders, government, or employers), they embark on protest to voice their grievances or disapproval. However, in the process of protest there have been developments of intimidation, vandalism, abuse, and violation of other people's rights. This happens even though the right to protest is enshrined to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. Section 17 of the constitution guarantees civilians the right to protest. It further stipulates the way in which protests should be conducted. The fact that protest is recognised as a right, means it plays an important role in assisting civilians expressing dissatisfaction with current situations and assert demands for social, political, and economic change. Additionally, the right to protest gives citizens right to participate in discourse. It is the individual and/or collective exercise of existing and universally recognised human rights that affords civilians opportunity to demand dignity, freedom of association and expression from authorities. Although this right is fundamental, it has its limitations, and its impact is crucial to human rights. This is so because every protest is human right inclined. Hence, this mini dissertation attempts to contribute to academic discourse by bringing forth human rights perspective on the impact of civil protest. The discourse has been majorly influenced by the following disciplines: sociology, social psychology, anthropology, political science, economics, and public administration. The existence of this study attempts to conscientize civilians about the importance of respecting, supporting, and protecting human rights. The study found that violent protests have negative impact on human rights. The negative impact is not only experienced by non-protesting civilians, but by protesting civilians. Because of the interdependency of rights, the study has also found that infringement of one right can lead to the violation of other rights. For instance, the burning of infrastructure such as clinic does not violate the right to access health only, but also violate the right to life, education, and security. Therefore, the study concludes that civilian's use of violence during protest action does not advance section 17 of the Constitution. Instead, it violates the same section or right. Moreover, negative impact of violent protests cost civilians dearly. Because after destroying property, the same civilians that destroy property are the ones who suffers. For instance, burning of police vehicles, makes it difficult for police to attend civilian's calls for help. Lastly, this mini dissertation concludes by recommending areas where government and civilians need to consider in respecting, supporting, and protecting human rights in a protest. , Thesis (MPhil) -- Faculty of Law, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-03
- Authors: Melvin, Kokwe Sonwabo
- Date: 2021-03
- Subjects: Protest movements -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28184 , vital:73806
- Description: This mini dissertation investigates civil protests and their impact on human rights in the Republic of South Africa. South Africa is a democratic country that subscribes to representative democracy. Its civilians vote for political parties that elect members to represent them in parliament or in government. Civilians are not members of armed forces, such as police, soldiers, or fire fighters. These people are ordinary citizen with no power or authority to engage in war as they do not have arms or gear to do so. Whenever they feel aggrieved with situation or action by authorities (political leaders, government, or employers), they embark on protest to voice their grievances or disapproval. However, in the process of protest there have been developments of intimidation, vandalism, abuse, and violation of other people's rights. This happens even though the right to protest is enshrined to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. Section 17 of the constitution guarantees civilians the right to protest. It further stipulates the way in which protests should be conducted. The fact that protest is recognised as a right, means it plays an important role in assisting civilians expressing dissatisfaction with current situations and assert demands for social, political, and economic change. Additionally, the right to protest gives citizens right to participate in discourse. It is the individual and/or collective exercise of existing and universally recognised human rights that affords civilians opportunity to demand dignity, freedom of association and expression from authorities. Although this right is fundamental, it has its limitations, and its impact is crucial to human rights. This is so because every protest is human right inclined. Hence, this mini dissertation attempts to contribute to academic discourse by bringing forth human rights perspective on the impact of civil protest. The discourse has been majorly influenced by the following disciplines: sociology, social psychology, anthropology, political science, economics, and public administration. The existence of this study attempts to conscientize civilians about the importance of respecting, supporting, and protecting human rights. The study found that violent protests have negative impact on human rights. The negative impact is not only experienced by non-protesting civilians, but by protesting civilians. Because of the interdependency of rights, the study has also found that infringement of one right can lead to the violation of other rights. For instance, the burning of infrastructure such as clinic does not violate the right to access health only, but also violate the right to life, education, and security. Therefore, the study concludes that civilian's use of violence during protest action does not advance section 17 of the Constitution. Instead, it violates the same section or right. Moreover, negative impact of violent protests cost civilians dearly. Because after destroying property, the same civilians that destroy property are the ones who suffers. For instance, burning of police vehicles, makes it difficult for police to attend civilian's calls for help. Lastly, this mini dissertation concludes by recommending areas where government and civilians need to consider in respecting, supporting, and protecting human rights in a protest. , Thesis (MPhil) -- Faculty of Law, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-03
An evaluation of affirmative action in public sector
- Authors: Myoli, Vuyiseka Marly
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Affirmative action programs -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Affirmative action programs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14190 , vital:27443
- Description: The South African public service has been undergoing fundamental transformation since 1994. The new government has had to build a democratic, inclusive and responsive public sector to the extent that the last two decades have witnessed the most dramatic shifts in public reform. After 1994, the public sector had to be transformed so that it could be representative of the nation’s racial composition, caters for the needs of all citizens irrespective of their racial, ethnic, gender, sexual persuasion and orientation. The government agenda of reconstructing and developing a democratic state depends on the willingness, capabilities and patriotism of the public service. As part of its transformation agenda, the government had to introduce policies that were focusing on promoting affirmative action and employment equity. Through this policy and other related employment equity measures, the South African public sector had to be transformed in terms of racial and gender representivity. This study assesses and evaluates whether the policies and legislation that were geared towards the transformation and democratization of public sector have yielded positive or negative results. By way of a literature review and comparative analysis, this study examines the objectives of affirmative action and analyses the approaches that have been taken since the adoption of this policy in the workplace. It looks at public sector and argues that there are still flaws relating to the implementation of affirmative action in public sector. The extent to which affirmative action programs attempt to implement affirmative action differs if South Africa and the United States of America can be taken as examples. The study considers some of the challenges faced by the new South African government in transforming public sector and interrogates the courts’ application and interpretation of affirmative action legislation. It concludes with recommendations that could be put in place in order to position affirmative action policies in line with the objectives of the South African Constitution, labour laws and American approach where the policy was adopted from.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Myoli, Vuyiseka Marly
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Affirmative action programs -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Affirmative action programs -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14190 , vital:27443
- Description: The South African public service has been undergoing fundamental transformation since 1994. The new government has had to build a democratic, inclusive and responsive public sector to the extent that the last two decades have witnessed the most dramatic shifts in public reform. After 1994, the public sector had to be transformed so that it could be representative of the nation’s racial composition, caters for the needs of all citizens irrespective of their racial, ethnic, gender, sexual persuasion and orientation. The government agenda of reconstructing and developing a democratic state depends on the willingness, capabilities and patriotism of the public service. As part of its transformation agenda, the government had to introduce policies that were focusing on promoting affirmative action and employment equity. Through this policy and other related employment equity measures, the South African public sector had to be transformed in terms of racial and gender representivity. This study assesses and evaluates whether the policies and legislation that were geared towards the transformation and democratization of public sector have yielded positive or negative results. By way of a literature review and comparative analysis, this study examines the objectives of affirmative action and analyses the approaches that have been taken since the adoption of this policy in the workplace. It looks at public sector and argues that there are still flaws relating to the implementation of affirmative action in public sector. The extent to which affirmative action programs attempt to implement affirmative action differs if South Africa and the United States of America can be taken as examples. The study considers some of the challenges faced by the new South African government in transforming public sector and interrogates the courts’ application and interpretation of affirmative action legislation. It concludes with recommendations that could be put in place in order to position affirmative action policies in line with the objectives of the South African Constitution, labour laws and American approach where the policy was adopted from.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Reconciling the right to housing with the establishment of informal settlements in South Africa
- Authors: Dibela, Michael Mzwandile
- Date: 2015-05
- Subjects: Housing policy -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Social justice
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/25901 , vital:64562
- Description: After the advent of Democracy in 1994, the South African government prioritised the question of homelessness of the South African citizens in particular the previously disadvantaged people. Through its various departments nationally, provincially and locally, many legislations have been enacted in order to assuage this problem. The study seeks to find out what are the policies if any, and attempts which have been made by the government in eradicating this problem and whether sufficient funds are being channelled from the national and provincial government in an endeavour to eradicate the problem of homelessness and whether the government is winning the battle. , Thesis (MPhil) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2015
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015-05
- Authors: Dibela, Michael Mzwandile
- Date: 2015-05
- Subjects: Housing policy -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Social justice
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/25901 , vital:64562
- Description: After the advent of Democracy in 1994, the South African government prioritised the question of homelessness of the South African citizens in particular the previously disadvantaged people. Through its various departments nationally, provincially and locally, many legislations have been enacted in order to assuage this problem. The study seeks to find out what are the policies if any, and attempts which have been made by the government in eradicating this problem and whether sufficient funds are being channelled from the national and provincial government in an endeavour to eradicate the problem of homelessness and whether the government is winning the battle. , Thesis (MPhil) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2015
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015-05
Combating corruption while respecting human rights : a critical study of the non-conviction based assets recovery mechanism in Kenya and South Africa
- Authors: Obura, Ken Otieno
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Human rights -- Kenya , Human rights -- South Africa , Corruption -- Kenya , Corruption -- South Africa , Reparation (Criminal justice) -- Kenya , Reparation (Criminal justice) -- South Africa , Political corruption -- Kenya , Political corruption -- South Africa , Corruption investigation -- Kenya , Corruption investigation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3719 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013159
- Description: The thesis contributes to the search for sound anti-corruption laws and practices that are effective and fair. It argues for the respect for human rights in the crafting and implementation of anti-corruption laws as a requisite for successful control of corruption. The basis for this argument is threefold: First, human rights provide a framework for checking against abuse of state’s police power, an abuse which if allowed to take root, would make the fight against corruption lose its legitimacy in the eye of the people. Second, human rights ensure that the interest of individuals is catered for in the crafting of anti-corruption laws and practices thereby denying perpetrators of corruption legal excuses that can be exploited to delay or frustrate corruption cases in the courts of law. Third, human rights provide a useful framework for balancing competing interests in the area of corruption control – it enables society to craft measures that fulfils the public interest in the eradication of corruption while concomitantly assuring the competing public interest in the protection of individual members’ liberties – a condition that is necessary if the support of the holders of these competing interests is to be enlisted and fostered in the fight against corruption. The thesis focuses on the study of the non-conviction based assets recovery mechanism, a mechanism that allows the state to apply a procedure lacking in criminal law safeguards to address criminal behaviour. The mechanism is thus beset with avenues for abuse, which if unchecked could have debilitating effects not only to individual liberties but also to the long term legitimacy of the fight against corruption. In this regard, the thesis examines how the human rights framework has been used in Kenya and South Africa to check on the potential dangers of the non-conviction based mechanism and to provide for a proportional balance between the imperative of corruption control and the guarantee against arbitrary deprivation of property. The aim is to unravel the benefits of respecting human rights in the fight against corruption in general and in the non-conviction based assets recovery in particular. Kenya and South Africa are chosen for study because they provide two models of non-conviction based mechanisms with different levels of safeguards, for comparative consideration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Obura, Ken Otieno
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Human rights -- Kenya , Human rights -- South Africa , Corruption -- Kenya , Corruption -- South Africa , Reparation (Criminal justice) -- Kenya , Reparation (Criminal justice) -- South Africa , Political corruption -- Kenya , Political corruption -- South Africa , Corruption investigation -- Kenya , Corruption investigation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3719 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013159
- Description: The thesis contributes to the search for sound anti-corruption laws and practices that are effective and fair. It argues for the respect for human rights in the crafting and implementation of anti-corruption laws as a requisite for successful control of corruption. The basis for this argument is threefold: First, human rights provide a framework for checking against abuse of state’s police power, an abuse which if allowed to take root, would make the fight against corruption lose its legitimacy in the eye of the people. Second, human rights ensure that the interest of individuals is catered for in the crafting of anti-corruption laws and practices thereby denying perpetrators of corruption legal excuses that can be exploited to delay or frustrate corruption cases in the courts of law. Third, human rights provide a useful framework for balancing competing interests in the area of corruption control – it enables society to craft measures that fulfils the public interest in the eradication of corruption while concomitantly assuring the competing public interest in the protection of individual members’ liberties – a condition that is necessary if the support of the holders of these competing interests is to be enlisted and fostered in the fight against corruption. The thesis focuses on the study of the non-conviction based assets recovery mechanism, a mechanism that allows the state to apply a procedure lacking in criminal law safeguards to address criminal behaviour. The mechanism is thus beset with avenues for abuse, which if unchecked could have debilitating effects not only to individual liberties but also to the long term legitimacy of the fight against corruption. In this regard, the thesis examines how the human rights framework has been used in Kenya and South Africa to check on the potential dangers of the non-conviction based mechanism and to provide for a proportional balance between the imperative of corruption control and the guarantee against arbitrary deprivation of property. The aim is to unravel the benefits of respecting human rights in the fight against corruption in general and in the non-conviction based assets recovery in particular. Kenya and South Africa are chosen for study because they provide two models of non-conviction based mechanisms with different levels of safeguards, for comparative consideration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
The impact of minimum sentence legislation on South African criminal law
- Authors: Du Plessis, Jan Andriaan
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Sentences (Criminal procedure) -- South Africa , Capital punishment -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:10182 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020037x
- Description: The Criminal Law Amendment Act introduced a scheme where minimum sentences are prescribed for serious offences into the South African Criminal Law. The limitations put on the courts’ sentencing discretion were not received with unanimous approval from all quarters. The Constitutional Court declared the general working of the Act to be constitutional soon after its inception. Specific provisions pertaining to certain offences remained unpopular. The hefty sentence of 15 years imprisonment prescribed for the possession of a semi-automatic firearm is put forward as an example in this regard. High Courts avoid the minimum sentence prescribed for this offence by using different interpretational methods. Despite the sense of animosity towards the unfair contents of this provision, no ruling is made on the constitutionality thereof. An apparent deference towards the legislature could be detected on the part of the judiciary. South African jurisprudence discourages our courts to rule on the constitutionality of a law. It is only done when the defect could not be remedied by any other available means. The reluctance of our courts to make a ruling on the constitutionality of the semi-automatic provision does not promote legal certainty. High Courts attach different interpretations to the “true intention” of the legislature in order to bypass this provision. Logic dictates that inexperienced presiding officers with inferior interpretational skills would continue to hand down the minimum sentence while it remains on the law books. A sentence of fifteen years is also prescribed for robbery with aggravating circumstances. The existing common law on the interpretation of the definition of this offence provides for a wide range of human conduct to be included. Case law could be expected where the courts deviate from the prescribed sentence on a regular basis. This unscientific approach should be discouraged and a rethinking of the boundaries of this offence is suggested. The Act is doing more harm than good to our Criminal Law. The legislature could still provide other visible measures against serious crime without invading the sentencing discretion of the judiciary.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Du Plessis, Jan Andriaan
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Sentences (Criminal procedure) -- South Africa , Capital punishment -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:10182 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020037x
- Description: The Criminal Law Amendment Act introduced a scheme where minimum sentences are prescribed for serious offences into the South African Criminal Law. The limitations put on the courts’ sentencing discretion were not received with unanimous approval from all quarters. The Constitutional Court declared the general working of the Act to be constitutional soon after its inception. Specific provisions pertaining to certain offences remained unpopular. The hefty sentence of 15 years imprisonment prescribed for the possession of a semi-automatic firearm is put forward as an example in this regard. High Courts avoid the minimum sentence prescribed for this offence by using different interpretational methods. Despite the sense of animosity towards the unfair contents of this provision, no ruling is made on the constitutionality thereof. An apparent deference towards the legislature could be detected on the part of the judiciary. South African jurisprudence discourages our courts to rule on the constitutionality of a law. It is only done when the defect could not be remedied by any other available means. The reluctance of our courts to make a ruling on the constitutionality of the semi-automatic provision does not promote legal certainty. High Courts attach different interpretations to the “true intention” of the legislature in order to bypass this provision. Logic dictates that inexperienced presiding officers with inferior interpretational skills would continue to hand down the minimum sentence while it remains on the law books. A sentence of fifteen years is also prescribed for robbery with aggravating circumstances. The existing common law on the interpretation of the definition of this offence provides for a wide range of human conduct to be included. Case law could be expected where the courts deviate from the prescribed sentence on a regular basis. This unscientific approach should be discouraged and a rethinking of the boundaries of this offence is suggested. The Act is doing more harm than good to our Criminal Law. The legislature could still provide other visible measures against serious crime without invading the sentencing discretion of the judiciary.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Factors that conduce towards domestic violence against rural women a case study of Sisonke District Municipality KwaZulu Natal
- Authors: Nyathi, Noluvo Annagratia
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Spousal abuse -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Human rights -- South Africa , Crimes against -- Women , Legal status laws etc -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Domestic Violence -- KwaZulu Natal -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA (Human Rights)
- Identifier: vital:11100 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/509 , Spousal abuse -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Human rights -- South Africa , Crimes against -- Women , Legal status laws etc -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Domestic Violence -- KwaZulu Natal -- South Africa
- Description: In all the Black communities, women’s rights have always been taken for granted. Women have always been subordinate to the patriarchal system. The denial of domestic violence against rural women has its origin in the age long patriarchal society, deeply rooted in culture and tradition. The main aim of the patriarchal society is the control of women by men. The idea of protecting women abuse is not really new. It is a necessary component of long established and internationally recognized human rights. This includes the right to equality and freedom, liberty and personal security. The recognition could be traced to the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 (UDHR). However, women’s rights remain unrealized and are continuously violated despite the fact that these rights are well expressed in many international documents and national laws. The study examined the factors that conduce towards domestic violence against rural women in the Kwa Zulu Natal Province of South Africa. In this regard, the reasons why they support culture and traditional practices that are detrimental to their health were also explored. The small isolated area of Umzimkhulu was used. In-depth face to face interviews were employed to elicit information from the respondents and brief notes were written down to collect the data. The findings revealed that women are not aware of their human rights. This ignorance and negative attitude is influenced by the dependency of women to men, supremacy of the patriarchal system and the dominance of culture. Most disturbing is that these women don’t seem to see anything wrong with the situation. It is evidently clear therefore that women empowerment, through education, will not only affect women’s autonomy but will also increase their worth and make them understand the impact of traditional practices that they support. All these will have implications for policy and legislative interventions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Nyathi, Noluvo Annagratia
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Spousal abuse -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Human rights -- South Africa , Crimes against -- Women , Legal status laws etc -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Domestic Violence -- KwaZulu Natal -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA (Human Rights)
- Identifier: vital:11100 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/509 , Spousal abuse -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Human rights -- South Africa , Crimes against -- Women , Legal status laws etc -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Domestic Violence -- KwaZulu Natal -- South Africa
- Description: In all the Black communities, women’s rights have always been taken for granted. Women have always been subordinate to the patriarchal system. The denial of domestic violence against rural women has its origin in the age long patriarchal society, deeply rooted in culture and tradition. The main aim of the patriarchal society is the control of women by men. The idea of protecting women abuse is not really new. It is a necessary component of long established and internationally recognized human rights. This includes the right to equality and freedom, liberty and personal security. The recognition could be traced to the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 (UDHR). However, women’s rights remain unrealized and are continuously violated despite the fact that these rights are well expressed in many international documents and national laws. The study examined the factors that conduce towards domestic violence against rural women in the Kwa Zulu Natal Province of South Africa. In this regard, the reasons why they support culture and traditional practices that are detrimental to their health were also explored. The small isolated area of Umzimkhulu was used. In-depth face to face interviews were employed to elicit information from the respondents and brief notes were written down to collect the data. The findings revealed that women are not aware of their human rights. This ignorance and negative attitude is influenced by the dependency of women to men, supremacy of the patriarchal system and the dominance of culture. Most disturbing is that these women don’t seem to see anything wrong with the situation. It is evidently clear therefore that women empowerment, through education, will not only affect women’s autonomy but will also increase their worth and make them understand the impact of traditional practices that they support. All these will have implications for policy and legislative interventions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The efficacy of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in East London: perceptions of participants
- Authors: Pule, Quincy
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political crimes and offenses -- Investigation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8304 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019920
- Description: This study examines the degree to which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in East London have mitigated the impact of gross human rights violations on some of the Duncan Village victims. The research draws upon responses from a convenience sample of victims of apartheid atrocities guided by their own individual experiences, literature on conflict management, and TRC hearings that took place in other African states. The East London TRC hearings alert one to the brutality of the apartheid regime whose political intolerance unleashed violence against ordinary citizens of East London. Despite being seen as a witch hunt against the apartheid security establishment, most of the victims feel the TRC opened lines of communication between former enemies, although one cannot conclusively say that total reconciliation between victims and perpetrators has been achieved. Insofar as telling the truth is concerned, the concept defies unanimous acceptance as a contributor to peaceful co-existence. The mere fact that some perpetrators refused to appear before the TRC is an indication that the value attached to it differs from person to person, particularly in a situation where the political landscape is characterized by intimidation and fear. The treatise unveils the East London TRC as a platform for compromise as some of the victims felt anger and hatred for the perpetrators would amount to perpetual self-imposed ostracism. Noting that the TRC was never meant to hurt anyone, the treatise ushers one into a space where reconciliation takes precedence over vengeance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Pule, Quincy
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission , Reconciliation -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political crimes and offenses -- Investigation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8304 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019920
- Description: This study examines the degree to which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in East London have mitigated the impact of gross human rights violations on some of the Duncan Village victims. The research draws upon responses from a convenience sample of victims of apartheid atrocities guided by their own individual experiences, literature on conflict management, and TRC hearings that took place in other African states. The East London TRC hearings alert one to the brutality of the apartheid regime whose political intolerance unleashed violence against ordinary citizens of East London. Despite being seen as a witch hunt against the apartheid security establishment, most of the victims feel the TRC opened lines of communication between former enemies, although one cannot conclusively say that total reconciliation between victims and perpetrators has been achieved. Insofar as telling the truth is concerned, the concept defies unanimous acceptance as a contributor to peaceful co-existence. The mere fact that some perpetrators refused to appear before the TRC is an indication that the value attached to it differs from person to person, particularly in a situation where the political landscape is characterized by intimidation and fear. The treatise unveils the East London TRC as a platform for compromise as some of the victims felt anger and hatred for the perpetrators would amount to perpetual self-imposed ostracism. Noting that the TRC was never meant to hurt anyone, the treatise ushers one into a space where reconciliation takes precedence over vengeance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
An analysis of the elements of genocide with reference to the South African farmer's case
- Authors: Du Toit, Johanna Helena
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Genocide -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Farmers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:10168 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1568 , Genocide -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Farmers -- South Africa
- Description: The definition of genocide encompasses not only the killing of a protected group as is so often erroneously believed, but also inter alia the causing of serious bodily and mental harm to a group and deliberately inflicting conditions of life on a group calculated to bring about its destruction in whole or in part. Eight stages have been identified through which conventional genocide goes. There is a closed list of four groups named in the Genocide Convention in respect of which genocide can be perpetrated. Problems have been experienced with the classification and the determination whether a group should qualify or not. In answer to this problem, the definition of the groups should be seen cohesively and attempts should preferably not be made to compartmentalise any group suspected of being targeted for genocide. The special intent required for genocide sets it apart from other crimes against humanity. The intention that needs to be proven is the desire to exterminate a group as such in whole or in part. The mention of “in part” opens the door for genocide to be perpetrated against a small sub-group which conforms to the definition of a group. The white Afrikaner farmer forms part of the larger white Afrikaner group residing in South Africa. Incitement to genocide is an inchoate crime and is regarded as a lesser crime reflected in lower sentences being passed for incitement than for genocide itself. The requirements are that the incitement must be direct and public. The required intention to incite must also be proven for a conviction to follow. The farmer who laid the complaint with the International Criminal Court, did so in the hope that the Prosecutor would utilise his or her proprio motu powers to instigate an investigation in South Africa regarding white Afrikaner farmers. The complaint and petition as well as the statistics used by the farmer paint the picture of incitement to genocide and possible genocide. The allegations are not specific and will have to be proven in a court of law for any such finding to follow. , Abstract
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Du Toit, Johanna Helena
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Genocide -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Farmers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:10168 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1568 , Genocide -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Farmers -- South Africa
- Description: The definition of genocide encompasses not only the killing of a protected group as is so often erroneously believed, but also inter alia the causing of serious bodily and mental harm to a group and deliberately inflicting conditions of life on a group calculated to bring about its destruction in whole or in part. Eight stages have been identified through which conventional genocide goes. There is a closed list of four groups named in the Genocide Convention in respect of which genocide can be perpetrated. Problems have been experienced with the classification and the determination whether a group should qualify or not. In answer to this problem, the definition of the groups should be seen cohesively and attempts should preferably not be made to compartmentalise any group suspected of being targeted for genocide. The special intent required for genocide sets it apart from other crimes against humanity. The intention that needs to be proven is the desire to exterminate a group as such in whole or in part. The mention of “in part” opens the door for genocide to be perpetrated against a small sub-group which conforms to the definition of a group. The white Afrikaner farmer forms part of the larger white Afrikaner group residing in South Africa. Incitement to genocide is an inchoate crime and is regarded as a lesser crime reflected in lower sentences being passed for incitement than for genocide itself. The requirements are that the incitement must be direct and public. The required intention to incite must also be proven for a conviction to follow. The farmer who laid the complaint with the International Criminal Court, did so in the hope that the Prosecutor would utilise his or her proprio motu powers to instigate an investigation in South Africa regarding white Afrikaner farmers. The complaint and petition as well as the statistics used by the farmer paint the picture of incitement to genocide and possible genocide. The allegations are not specific and will have to be proven in a court of law for any such finding to follow. , Abstract
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
Constitutional damages for the infringement of a social assistance right in South Africa are monetary damages in the form of interest a just and equitable remedy for breach of a social assistance right
- Authors: Batchelor, Bronwyn Le Ann
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: South Africa -- Constitution -- Bill of Rights , Constitutional law -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa , Common law -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) , Damages
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:11117 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/388 , South Africa -- Constitution -- Bill of Rights , Constitutional law -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa , Common law -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) , Damages
- Description: This dissertation will explore the revolutionary progression in the provision of monetary damages and the availability thereof due to the change in South Africa’s legal system from Parliamentary sovereignty to Constitutional supremacy after the enactment of the final Constitution in 19961. The Constitution of South Africa brought with it the concepts of justification and accountability as the Bill of Rights enshrines fundamental rights and the remedies for the infringement of same. The available remedies for the infringement of a fundamental right flow from two sources, being either from the development of the common law remedies in line with the Bill of Rights or alternatively from Section 38 of the Constitution, which provides for a remedy which provides ‘appropriate’ relief. The question that will be raised in this dissertation is, ‘does appropriate relief include an award of delictual damages?’ or a question related thereto ‘is an award of monetary damages an appropriate remedy?’ The motivation for this dissertation arises from the plethora of case law, especially in the Eastern Cape, that has come to the fore in the last sixteen years, highlighting the injustice of cancellations of social assistance grants and the non-payment of such in South Africa’s social security system, as well as the precedent that was set by our Constitutional Court and Supreme Court in remedying that injustice. The central case to this dissertation is that of Kate v Member of Executive Council for Department of Welfare, Eastern Cape 2005 1 SA 141 SECLD; Member of Executive Council, Department of Welfare, Eastern Cape v Kate 2006 (4) SA 478 (SCA), which is generally regarded as having paved the way for the granting of monetary damages for the infringement of an individual’s constitutional right as same require legal protection. Firstly the past approach to damages will be explored in relation to South Africa’s common law, being the Roman-Dutch law. The common law Aquilian action is the focal point of this dissertation in relation to the common law in that the granting of damages for the infringement of an individual’s social assistance right (being a specific constitutional right framed within the 1996 Constitution) results in pure patrimonial loss which in our common law system was remedied by the actio legis Aquilae. In delict, an award of damages is the primary remedy, aimed at affording compensation in respect of the legal right or interest infringed. After the common law system of damages has been explored, this dissertation will then examine the changes that have developed therefrom, and largely shaped by the current state of disorganization in the National Department of Welfare coupled with the all encompassing power of the final Constitution. The final Constitution provides the power, in section 38 of the 1996 Constitution, for the court to award a monetary remedy for the breach of a constitutional right. The question, however, is “does the award of monetary damages not merely throw money at the problem, whereas the purpose of a constitutional remedy is to vindicate guaranteed rights and prevent or deter future violations?” The battle for domination between the common law approach and the constitutional approach to damages is witnessed as the two systems eventually amalgamate to form an essentially new remedy, unique to South Africa. South Africa’s new system is aligned with the Constitution as the Constitution is the supreme law of the land and underpins the awarding of all damages and, especially, the awarding of constitutional damages. For the sake of completeness, alternatives to monetary damages will also be canvassed in this dissertation. It is hoped that the reader will, in the end, realize that the final Constitution is the supreme law of the land and as such dictates the manner and form in which damages are provided. If such provision is not in alignment with the Constitution, it will be declared invalid. The flexibility of our common law is put to the test, yet it is found to be adaptable to the ever-developing boni mores of society exemplified in the embracing constitutional principles and the production of this new remedy. The courts develop the common law under section 39(2) of the Constitution in order to keep the common law in step with the evolution of our society and the ever changing nature of bonos mores. , National Research Foundation
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Batchelor, Bronwyn Le Ann
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: South Africa -- Constitution -- Bill of Rights , Constitutional law -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa , Common law -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) , Damages
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:11117 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/388 , South Africa -- Constitution -- Bill of Rights , Constitutional law -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa , Common law -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) , Damages
- Description: This dissertation will explore the revolutionary progression in the provision of monetary damages and the availability thereof due to the change in South Africa’s legal system from Parliamentary sovereignty to Constitutional supremacy after the enactment of the final Constitution in 19961. The Constitution of South Africa brought with it the concepts of justification and accountability as the Bill of Rights enshrines fundamental rights and the remedies for the infringement of same. The available remedies for the infringement of a fundamental right flow from two sources, being either from the development of the common law remedies in line with the Bill of Rights or alternatively from Section 38 of the Constitution, which provides for a remedy which provides ‘appropriate’ relief. The question that will be raised in this dissertation is, ‘does appropriate relief include an award of delictual damages?’ or a question related thereto ‘is an award of monetary damages an appropriate remedy?’ The motivation for this dissertation arises from the plethora of case law, especially in the Eastern Cape, that has come to the fore in the last sixteen years, highlighting the injustice of cancellations of social assistance grants and the non-payment of such in South Africa’s social security system, as well as the precedent that was set by our Constitutional Court and Supreme Court in remedying that injustice. The central case to this dissertation is that of Kate v Member of Executive Council for Department of Welfare, Eastern Cape 2005 1 SA 141 SECLD; Member of Executive Council, Department of Welfare, Eastern Cape v Kate 2006 (4) SA 478 (SCA), which is generally regarded as having paved the way for the granting of monetary damages for the infringement of an individual’s constitutional right as same require legal protection. Firstly the past approach to damages will be explored in relation to South Africa’s common law, being the Roman-Dutch law. The common law Aquilian action is the focal point of this dissertation in relation to the common law in that the granting of damages for the infringement of an individual’s social assistance right (being a specific constitutional right framed within the 1996 Constitution) results in pure patrimonial loss which in our common law system was remedied by the actio legis Aquilae. In delict, an award of damages is the primary remedy, aimed at affording compensation in respect of the legal right or interest infringed. After the common law system of damages has been explored, this dissertation will then examine the changes that have developed therefrom, and largely shaped by the current state of disorganization in the National Department of Welfare coupled with the all encompassing power of the final Constitution. The final Constitution provides the power, in section 38 of the 1996 Constitution, for the court to award a monetary remedy for the breach of a constitutional right. The question, however, is “does the award of monetary damages not merely throw money at the problem, whereas the purpose of a constitutional remedy is to vindicate guaranteed rights and prevent or deter future violations?” The battle for domination between the common law approach and the constitutional approach to damages is witnessed as the two systems eventually amalgamate to form an essentially new remedy, unique to South Africa. South Africa’s new system is aligned with the Constitution as the Constitution is the supreme law of the land and underpins the awarding of all damages and, especially, the awarding of constitutional damages. For the sake of completeness, alternatives to monetary damages will also be canvassed in this dissertation. It is hoped that the reader will, in the end, realize that the final Constitution is the supreme law of the land and as such dictates the manner and form in which damages are provided. If such provision is not in alignment with the Constitution, it will be declared invalid. The flexibility of our common law is put to the test, yet it is found to be adaptable to the ever-developing boni mores of society exemplified in the embracing constitutional principles and the production of this new remedy. The courts develop the common law under section 39(2) of the Constitution in order to keep the common law in step with the evolution of our society and the ever changing nature of bonos mores. , National Research Foundation
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
The constitutional right to food in South Africa
- Authors: Holness, David Roy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Right to food , Human rights -- South Africa , Nutrition policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:10202 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/844 , Right to food , Human rights -- South Africa , Nutrition policy -- South Africa
- Description: This dissertation is a study of the ambit of the right to food as it is contained in the South African Bill of Rights and the steps needed to realise the right. Existing and potential food insecurity, hunger and malnutrition provide the social context for this research. The rationale for conducting the research is primarily two-fold. Firstly, the access to sufficient food is an indispensable right for everyone living in this country. Secondly, the right to food in South Africa has not been subject to extensive academic study to date. Socio-economic rights are fully justiciable rights in this country, equally worthy of protection as civil and political rights. Furthermore, socio-economic rights (like the right to food) are interdependent with civil and political rights: neither category can meaningful exist without realisation of the other. The right to sufficient food is found in section 27(1)(b) of the South African Constitution. Children have the additional right to basic nutrition in terms of section 28(1)(c). The right to sufficient food is subject to the internal limitation of section 27(2) that the state must take reasonable measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of the right. Furthermore, as with all rights in the Bill of Rights, both these rights are subject to the general limitations clause found in section 36. There is international law authority in various human rights instruments for the protection of the right to food and what the right entails. In accordance with section 39 of the Constitution, such international law must be considered when interpreting the right to food. It is argued that a generous and broad interpretation of food rights in the Constitution is called for. Existing legislation, state policies and programmes are analysed in order to gauge whether the state is adequately meeting its right to food obligations. Furthermore, the state’s food programmes must meet the just administrative action requirements of lawfulness, reasonableness and procedural fairness of section 33 of the Constitution and comply with the Promotion of Just Administrative Justice Act. The dissertation analyses the disparate and unco-ordinated food and law policies in existence, albeit that the National Food Security Draft Bill offers the hope of some improvement. Particular inadequacies highlighted in the state’s response to the country’s food challenges are a lack of any feeding schemes in high schools and insufficient food provision in emergency situations. Social assistance grants available in terms of the Social Assistance Act are considered due to their potential to make food available to grant recipients. On the one hand there is shown to be a lack of social assistance for unemployed people who do not qualify for any form of social grant. On the other hand, whilst presently underutilised and not always properly administered, social relief of distress grants are shown to have the potential to improve access to sufficient food for limited periods of time. Other suggested means of improving access to sufficient food are income generation strategies, the introduction of a basic income grant and the creation of food framework legislation. When people are denied their food rights, this research calls for creative judicial remedies as well as effective enforcement of such court orders. However, it is argued that education on what the right to food entails is a precondition for people to seek legal recourse to protect their right to food. Due to a lack of case authority on food itself, guidance is sought from the findings of South Africa’s Constitutional Court in analogous socio-economic rights challenges. Through this analysis this dissertation considers the way forward, either in terms of direct court action or via improved access to other rights which will improve food access.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Holness, David Roy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Right to food , Human rights -- South Africa , Nutrition policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:10202 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/844 , Right to food , Human rights -- South Africa , Nutrition policy -- South Africa
- Description: This dissertation is a study of the ambit of the right to food as it is contained in the South African Bill of Rights and the steps needed to realise the right. Existing and potential food insecurity, hunger and malnutrition provide the social context for this research. The rationale for conducting the research is primarily two-fold. Firstly, the access to sufficient food is an indispensable right for everyone living in this country. Secondly, the right to food in South Africa has not been subject to extensive academic study to date. Socio-economic rights are fully justiciable rights in this country, equally worthy of protection as civil and political rights. Furthermore, socio-economic rights (like the right to food) are interdependent with civil and political rights: neither category can meaningful exist without realisation of the other. The right to sufficient food is found in section 27(1)(b) of the South African Constitution. Children have the additional right to basic nutrition in terms of section 28(1)(c). The right to sufficient food is subject to the internal limitation of section 27(2) that the state must take reasonable measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of the right. Furthermore, as with all rights in the Bill of Rights, both these rights are subject to the general limitations clause found in section 36. There is international law authority in various human rights instruments for the protection of the right to food and what the right entails. In accordance with section 39 of the Constitution, such international law must be considered when interpreting the right to food. It is argued that a generous and broad interpretation of food rights in the Constitution is called for. Existing legislation, state policies and programmes are analysed in order to gauge whether the state is adequately meeting its right to food obligations. Furthermore, the state’s food programmes must meet the just administrative action requirements of lawfulness, reasonableness and procedural fairness of section 33 of the Constitution and comply with the Promotion of Just Administrative Justice Act. The dissertation analyses the disparate and unco-ordinated food and law policies in existence, albeit that the National Food Security Draft Bill offers the hope of some improvement. Particular inadequacies highlighted in the state’s response to the country’s food challenges are a lack of any feeding schemes in high schools and insufficient food provision in emergency situations. Social assistance grants available in terms of the Social Assistance Act are considered due to their potential to make food available to grant recipients. On the one hand there is shown to be a lack of social assistance for unemployed people who do not qualify for any form of social grant. On the other hand, whilst presently underutilised and not always properly administered, social relief of distress grants are shown to have the potential to improve access to sufficient food for limited periods of time. Other suggested means of improving access to sufficient food are income generation strategies, the introduction of a basic income grant and the creation of food framework legislation. When people are denied their food rights, this research calls for creative judicial remedies as well as effective enforcement of such court orders. However, it is argued that education on what the right to food entails is a precondition for people to seek legal recourse to protect their right to food. Due to a lack of case authority on food itself, guidance is sought from the findings of South Africa’s Constitutional Court in analogous socio-economic rights challenges. Through this analysis this dissertation considers the way forward, either in terms of direct court action or via improved access to other rights which will improve food access.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Access to land as a human right the payment of just and equitable compensation for dispossessed land in South Africa
- Authors: Yanou, Michael A
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: Human rights -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Right of property -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Restitution -- South Africa , Land tenure -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3699 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003214 , Human rights -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Right of property -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Restitution -- South Africa , Land tenure -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis deals with the conceptualization of access to land by the dispossessed as a human right and commences with an account of the struggle for land between the peoples of African and European extractions in South Africa. It is observed that the latter assumed sovereignty over the ancestral lands of the former. The thesis discusses the theoretical foundation of the study and situates the topic within its conceptual parameters. The writer examines the notions of justice and equity in the context of the post apartheid constitutional mandate to redress the skewed policy of the past. It is argued that the dispossession of Africans from lands that they had possessed for thousands of years on the assumption that the land was terra nullius was profoundly iniquitous and unjust. Although the study is technically limited to dispossessions occurring on or after the 13th June 1913, it covers a fairly extensive account of dispossession predating this date. This historical analysis is imperative for two reasons. Besides supporting the writer’s contention that the limitation of restitution to land dispossessed on or after 1913 was arbitrary, it also highlights both the material and non-material cost of the devastating wars of dispossessions. The candidate comments extensively on the post apartheid constitutional property structure which was conceived as a redress to the imbalance created by dispossession. This underlying objective explains why the state’s present land policy is geared towards facilitating access to land for the landless. The thesis investigates the extent to which the present property structure which defines access to land as a human right has succeeded in achieving the stated objective. It reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the land restitution process as well as the question of the payment of just and equitable compensation for land expropriated for restitution. The latter was carefully examined because it plays a crucial role in the success or otherwise of the restitution scheme. The writer argues that the courts have, on occasions, construed just and equitable compensation generously. This approach has failed to reflect the moral component inherent in the Aristotelian corrective justice. This, in the context of South Africa, requires compensation to reflect the fact that what is being paid for is land dispossessed from the forebears of indigenous inhabitants. It seems obvious that the scales of justice are tilted heavily in favour of the propertied class whose ancestors were responsible for this dispossession. This has a ripple effect on the pace of the restitution process. It also seems to have the effect of favouring the property class at the expense of the entire restitution process. The candidate also comments on the court’s differing approaches to the interpretation of the constitutional property clause. The candidate contends that the construction of the property clause and related pieces of legislation in a manner that stresses the maintenance of a balance between private property interest and land reform is flawed. This contention is supported by the fact that these values do not have proportional worth in the present property context of South Africa. The narrow definition of “past racially discriminatory law and practices” and labour tenant as used in the relevant post apartheid land reform laws is criticized for the same reason of its uncontextual approach. A comparative appraisal of similar developments relating to property law in other societies like India and Zimbabwe has been done. The writer has treated the post reform land evictions as a form of dispossession. The candidate notes that the country should guard against allowing the disastrous developments in Zimbabwe to influence events in the country and calls for an amendment of the property clause of the constitution in response to the practical difficulties which a decade of the operation of the current constitution has revealed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
- Authors: Yanou, Michael A
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: Human rights -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Right of property -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Restitution -- South Africa , Land tenure -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:3699 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003214 , Human rights -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Right of property -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Constitutional history -- South Africa , Restitution -- South Africa , Land tenure -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Land reform -- Law and legislation -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis deals with the conceptualization of access to land by the dispossessed as a human right and commences with an account of the struggle for land between the peoples of African and European extractions in South Africa. It is observed that the latter assumed sovereignty over the ancestral lands of the former. The thesis discusses the theoretical foundation of the study and situates the topic within its conceptual parameters. The writer examines the notions of justice and equity in the context of the post apartheid constitutional mandate to redress the skewed policy of the past. It is argued that the dispossession of Africans from lands that they had possessed for thousands of years on the assumption that the land was terra nullius was profoundly iniquitous and unjust. Although the study is technically limited to dispossessions occurring on or after the 13th June 1913, it covers a fairly extensive account of dispossession predating this date. This historical analysis is imperative for two reasons. Besides supporting the writer’s contention that the limitation of restitution to land dispossessed on or after 1913 was arbitrary, it also highlights both the material and non-material cost of the devastating wars of dispossessions. The candidate comments extensively on the post apartheid constitutional property structure which was conceived as a redress to the imbalance created by dispossession. This underlying objective explains why the state’s present land policy is geared towards facilitating access to land for the landless. The thesis investigates the extent to which the present property structure which defines access to land as a human right has succeeded in achieving the stated objective. It reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the land restitution process as well as the question of the payment of just and equitable compensation for land expropriated for restitution. The latter was carefully examined because it plays a crucial role in the success or otherwise of the restitution scheme. The writer argues that the courts have, on occasions, construed just and equitable compensation generously. This approach has failed to reflect the moral component inherent in the Aristotelian corrective justice. This, in the context of South Africa, requires compensation to reflect the fact that what is being paid for is land dispossessed from the forebears of indigenous inhabitants. It seems obvious that the scales of justice are tilted heavily in favour of the propertied class whose ancestors were responsible for this dispossession. This has a ripple effect on the pace of the restitution process. It also seems to have the effect of favouring the property class at the expense of the entire restitution process. The candidate also comments on the court’s differing approaches to the interpretation of the constitutional property clause. The candidate contends that the construction of the property clause and related pieces of legislation in a manner that stresses the maintenance of a balance between private property interest and land reform is flawed. This contention is supported by the fact that these values do not have proportional worth in the present property context of South Africa. The narrow definition of “past racially discriminatory law and practices” and labour tenant as used in the relevant post apartheid land reform laws is criticized for the same reason of its uncontextual approach. A comparative appraisal of similar developments relating to property law in other societies like India and Zimbabwe has been done. The writer has treated the post reform land evictions as a form of dispossession. The candidate notes that the country should guard against allowing the disastrous developments in Zimbabwe to influence events in the country and calls for an amendment of the property clause of the constitution in response to the practical difficulties which a decade of the operation of the current constitution has revealed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
Judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights under the 1996 constitution : realising the vision of social justice
- Authors: Ngcukaitobi, T
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: South Africa. Constitution , South Africa. Bill of Rights , Civil rights -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:3689 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003204 , South Africa. Constitution , South Africa. Bill of Rights , Civil rights -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Description: Few legal developments in South Africa and elsewhere in the world in recent times have excited such controversy as the legal recognition of social and economic rights. South Africa has created a special place for itself in world affairs for being one of the countries that recognise socio-economic rights in a justiciable Bill of Rights. Partly this is in response to the appalling levels of poverty prevalent in the country which could potentially destabilise the new democracy. Improvement of the quality of life of every citizen is a crucial step in consolidating the constitutional democracy. The question that will face any court in giving effect to socio-economic rights is: how are these rights to be judicially enforced in a given context? The crux of this thesis lies in the resolution of this question. Firstly this thesis traces the philosophical foundations to the legal recognition of socio-economic rights. It is stated that the recognition of these rights in a justiciable bill of rights requires a conceptually sound understanding of the nature of obligations that these rights place on the state. It is emphasised that it is imperative that access to justice be facilitated to poor and vulnerable members of society for the realisation of the constitutional goal of addressing inequality. Particular concern and priority should in this context be given to women, children and the disabled. The study explores various judicial remedies and makes suggestions on new and innovative constitutional mechanisms for judicial enforcement of these rights. It is concluded that there is an important role to be played by civil society in giving meaningful effect to socio-economic rights.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Ngcukaitobi, T
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: South Africa. Constitution , South Africa. Bill of Rights , Civil rights -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:3689 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003204 , South Africa. Constitution , South Africa. Bill of Rights , Civil rights -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Description: Few legal developments in South Africa and elsewhere in the world in recent times have excited such controversy as the legal recognition of social and economic rights. South Africa has created a special place for itself in world affairs for being one of the countries that recognise socio-economic rights in a justiciable Bill of Rights. Partly this is in response to the appalling levels of poverty prevalent in the country which could potentially destabilise the new democracy. Improvement of the quality of life of every citizen is a crucial step in consolidating the constitutional democracy. The question that will face any court in giving effect to socio-economic rights is: how are these rights to be judicially enforced in a given context? The crux of this thesis lies in the resolution of this question. Firstly this thesis traces the philosophical foundations to the legal recognition of socio-economic rights. It is stated that the recognition of these rights in a justiciable bill of rights requires a conceptually sound understanding of the nature of obligations that these rights place on the state. It is emphasised that it is imperative that access to justice be facilitated to poor and vulnerable members of society for the realisation of the constitutional goal of addressing inequality. Particular concern and priority should in this context be given to women, children and the disabled. The study explores various judicial remedies and makes suggestions on new and innovative constitutional mechanisms for judicial enforcement of these rights. It is concluded that there is an important role to be played by civil society in giving meaningful effect to socio-economic rights.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
Victims, survivors and citizens: human rights, reparations and reconciliation: inaugural lecture
- Authors: Asmal, Kader
- Date: 1992-05-25
- Subjects: Human rights -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/69386 , vital:29513 , ISBN 1868081212
- Description: The professorial inaugural lecture is for the university an occasion to celebrate - celebrate in the full meaning of the word, i.e. to perform publicly and duly, to observe and honour with rites and festivities, to publish abroad, praise and extol. Through the custom of the inaugural lecture the university celebrates and affirms its basic function, that of creating, preserving, transmitting and applying knowledge, particularly scientifically-based knowledge. The university appoints to the position of professor one who has attained excellence in the handling of knowledge in her or his discipline, and through a jealous watchfulness over the dignity and esteem of this time-honoured position of excellence amongst scholars, defends the capacity of the university to advance human knowledge and human progress. The University of the Western Cape is particularly honoured to celebrate by way of this address the inauguration of its first ever Professor of Human Rights Law. We take pride from both the position and the incumbent: the post demonstrates our commitment to scholarly relevance, the incumbent to the pursuit of excellence. This university has distinguished itself amongst South African educational institutions for the way that it has grappled with questions of appropriate intellectual and educational responses to the demands of the social and political environment. That search involved debates and contests over what constitutes knowledge or valuable knowledge, over the nature of the process of knowledge production, over the relationship between theory and practice, about autonomy and accountability, about the meaning of "community" and about how the activities of a university are informed by the definition and conception of "community". The decision to establish a chair in Human Rights Law was arrived at as part of that process of searching for the appropriate forms of curricular transformation. South African society with its history of colonial conquest and latterly apartheid rule is one bereft of a rights culture; and where the discussion of a bill of rights and the general establishment of an awareness of human rights had been started in recent times, it has often been motivated by a concern with the protection of traditionally advantaged sectors of society. A university like ours has an obligation to contribute to the debate about and the promotion of human rights in ways which will also be concerned with healing, reparation and reconstruction in this severely brutalised nation. In this address marking his formal assumption of the University of the Western Cape’s Chair in Human Rights Law, Kader Asmal gives testimony of the depth of scholarly rigour and the breadth of humane concern brought to and emanating from this position. The integral coming together of Asmal the international scholar, the anti-apartheid activist of long standing, the seasoned international solidarity worker, the spirited publicist is evidenced in this address which is sure to stand as a signal point of reference in our national debate about this complex subject. The University had been privileged to attract to its staff some of the finest scholars from the ranks of the formerly exiled South Africans; this inaugural ceremony provides the institution with the opportunity to welcome into its midst one of those in the person of Kader Asmal. , Publications of the University of the Western Cape ; series A, no. 64
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992-05-25
- Authors: Asmal, Kader
- Date: 1992-05-25
- Subjects: Human rights -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/69386 , vital:29513 , ISBN 1868081212
- Description: The professorial inaugural lecture is for the university an occasion to celebrate - celebrate in the full meaning of the word, i.e. to perform publicly and duly, to observe and honour with rites and festivities, to publish abroad, praise and extol. Through the custom of the inaugural lecture the university celebrates and affirms its basic function, that of creating, preserving, transmitting and applying knowledge, particularly scientifically-based knowledge. The university appoints to the position of professor one who has attained excellence in the handling of knowledge in her or his discipline, and through a jealous watchfulness over the dignity and esteem of this time-honoured position of excellence amongst scholars, defends the capacity of the university to advance human knowledge and human progress. The University of the Western Cape is particularly honoured to celebrate by way of this address the inauguration of its first ever Professor of Human Rights Law. We take pride from both the position and the incumbent: the post demonstrates our commitment to scholarly relevance, the incumbent to the pursuit of excellence. This university has distinguished itself amongst South African educational institutions for the way that it has grappled with questions of appropriate intellectual and educational responses to the demands of the social and political environment. That search involved debates and contests over what constitutes knowledge or valuable knowledge, over the nature of the process of knowledge production, over the relationship between theory and practice, about autonomy and accountability, about the meaning of "community" and about how the activities of a university are informed by the definition and conception of "community". The decision to establish a chair in Human Rights Law was arrived at as part of that process of searching for the appropriate forms of curricular transformation. South African society with its history of colonial conquest and latterly apartheid rule is one bereft of a rights culture; and where the discussion of a bill of rights and the general establishment of an awareness of human rights had been started in recent times, it has often been motivated by a concern with the protection of traditionally advantaged sectors of society. A university like ours has an obligation to contribute to the debate about and the promotion of human rights in ways which will also be concerned with healing, reparation and reconstruction in this severely brutalised nation. In this address marking his formal assumption of the University of the Western Cape’s Chair in Human Rights Law, Kader Asmal gives testimony of the depth of scholarly rigour and the breadth of humane concern brought to and emanating from this position. The integral coming together of Asmal the international scholar, the anti-apartheid activist of long standing, the seasoned international solidarity worker, the spirited publicist is evidenced in this address which is sure to stand as a signal point of reference in our national debate about this complex subject. The University had been privileged to attract to its staff some of the finest scholars from the ranks of the formerly exiled South Africans; this inaugural ceremony provides the institution with the opportunity to welcome into its midst one of those in the person of Kader Asmal. , Publications of the University of the Western Cape ; series A, no. 64
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992-05-25
Detention without trial: past, present and future
- Mathews, A S, Wylie, James Scott
- Authors: Mathews, A S , Wylie, James Scott
- Date: [1988]-02
- Subjects: Detention of persons -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political prisoners -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72512 , vital:30079
- Description: Detention without trial can be a formidable government weapon against political opponents. In South Africa this weapon has been fashioned into a multiple warhead. There are currently seven security law detention provisions on the statute book, of which one is dormant but can be activated by the State President. Non security law detention, for example detention under drug laws, will not be discussed in this paper. While the seven detention laws are of varying severity and serve different purposes, they are best classified and explained under two main categories or groups - preventive detention and pre-trial detention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: [1988]-02
- Authors: Mathews, A S , Wylie, James Scott
- Date: [1988]-02
- Subjects: Detention of persons -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political prisoners -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72512 , vital:30079
- Description: Detention without trial can be a formidable government weapon against political opponents. In South Africa this weapon has been fashioned into a multiple warhead. There are currently seven security law detention provisions on the statute book, of which one is dormant but can be activated by the State President. Non security law detention, for example detention under drug laws, will not be discussed in this paper. While the seven detention laws are of varying severity and serve different purposes, they are best classified and explained under two main categories or groups - preventive detention and pre-trial detention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: [1988]-02
- «
- ‹
- 1
- ›
- »