A learning state?: a case study of the post-1994 South African welfare regime
- Mungwashu, Sthembiso Handinawangu
- Authors: Mungwashu, Sthembiso Handinawangu
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: South African Social Security Agency , South Africa -- Social policy , Poor -- South Africa , Social service -- South Africa , Public welfare -- South Africa , Social service -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3325 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003113 , South African Social Security Agency , South Africa -- Social policy , Poor -- South Africa , Social service -- South Africa , Public welfare -- South Africa , Social service -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis examines the processes of policymaking in South Africa, as expressed through the shifts in income maintenance policy. The thesis focuses on the processes leading to the establishment of the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA), as its case study. SASSA is the institutional framework for the delivery of social grants. Our intention is to test the efficacy of what we have called ‘state learning’ in the South African context. Therefore, the overall aim of the study is to assess the capacity of the ‘state to learn’ in the process of policymaking as expressed through the shifts in social grant administration and the institutional framework of social welfare in South Africa. The subsidiary goals of the research includes mapping changes in the system of social grants administration since 1994 in order to assess the sources of the shifts in its institutional framework; to assess processes and responses within the state that result in policy shifts and the extent to which these can be considered dimensions of state learning; to assess the power of ideas in the policymaking process and to assess the influence of non-state agencies/actors in policy contestation and learning processes. This is essential, because social policy, especially welfare policy research in post-apartheid South Africa, has focused on the economic value of policies and not the political processes in policymaking. For the framework of analysis the study draws on theories of learning, especially at the organizational or institutional level. We start from the perspective that policymaking and implementation cannot be reduced to a neatly ordered schema (Lamb: 1987:6). Further, that policy change and policymaking are “iterative, haphazard, and highly political processes, in which the apparently logical sequences of decision-making, may turn out to be the reverse” (Lamb, 1987:6). This is mainly because state building is a complex affair and a contested terrain; policy learning and making are neither benign nor do they involve the state working in isolation (Sabatier, 1998). To understand processes of policymaking in South Africa, we rely on content analysis of primary and secondary materials or documents and in-depth interviews with key informants involved in the policy process. The documentary sources include records of parliamentary debates, green and white papers on social welfare, ANC party documents, presidential task force reports, newspapers, magazines and court judgments. The study reveals that the establishment of SASSA lends itself to the idea of ‘state learning’. Learning is indicated in South Africa by the capacity and ability of the state to stimulate ideas, debate ideas to establish ideational matrixes as well as paradigms that have informed the development of policy, take ideas and implement them to try and solve mismatches between the intention of the state and the outcomes and the ability of the state to produce policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Mungwashu, Sthembiso Handinawangu
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: South African Social Security Agency , South Africa -- Social policy , Poor -- South Africa , Social service -- South Africa , Public welfare -- South Africa , Social service -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3325 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003113 , South African Social Security Agency , South Africa -- Social policy , Poor -- South Africa , Social service -- South Africa , Public welfare -- South Africa , Social service -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis examines the processes of policymaking in South Africa, as expressed through the shifts in income maintenance policy. The thesis focuses on the processes leading to the establishment of the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA), as its case study. SASSA is the institutional framework for the delivery of social grants. Our intention is to test the efficacy of what we have called ‘state learning’ in the South African context. Therefore, the overall aim of the study is to assess the capacity of the ‘state to learn’ in the process of policymaking as expressed through the shifts in social grant administration and the institutional framework of social welfare in South Africa. The subsidiary goals of the research includes mapping changes in the system of social grants administration since 1994 in order to assess the sources of the shifts in its institutional framework; to assess processes and responses within the state that result in policy shifts and the extent to which these can be considered dimensions of state learning; to assess the power of ideas in the policymaking process and to assess the influence of non-state agencies/actors in policy contestation and learning processes. This is essential, because social policy, especially welfare policy research in post-apartheid South Africa, has focused on the economic value of policies and not the political processes in policymaking. For the framework of analysis the study draws on theories of learning, especially at the organizational or institutional level. We start from the perspective that policymaking and implementation cannot be reduced to a neatly ordered schema (Lamb: 1987:6). Further, that policy change and policymaking are “iterative, haphazard, and highly political processes, in which the apparently logical sequences of decision-making, may turn out to be the reverse” (Lamb, 1987:6). This is mainly because state building is a complex affair and a contested terrain; policy learning and making are neither benign nor do they involve the state working in isolation (Sabatier, 1998). To understand processes of policymaking in South Africa, we rely on content analysis of primary and secondary materials or documents and in-depth interviews with key informants involved in the policy process. The documentary sources include records of parliamentary debates, green and white papers on social welfare, ANC party documents, presidential task force reports, newspapers, magazines and court judgments. The study reveals that the establishment of SASSA lends itself to the idea of ‘state learning’. Learning is indicated in South Africa by the capacity and ability of the state to stimulate ideas, debate ideas to establish ideational matrixes as well as paradigms that have informed the development of policy, take ideas and implement them to try and solve mismatches between the intention of the state and the outcomes and the ability of the state to produce policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
Race, class and inequality: an exploration of the scholarship of Professor Bernard Magubane
- Authors: Tanyanyiwa, Precious
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Magubane, Bernard -- Knowledge and learning , South Africa -- Race relations , Sociology -- South Africa , Race -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Social classes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3324 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003112 , Magubane, Bernard -- Knowledge and learning , South Africa -- Race relations , Sociology -- South Africa , Race -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Social classes -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis begins with the assumption that the theory of academic dependency provides an adequate framework within which the relationship between social science communities in the North and South can be understood. Present problems of social scientists in the South have very often been attributed to this dependence and it has been concluded that academic dependence has resulted in an uncritical and imitative approach to ideas and concepts from the West (Alatas, 2000). This dependence has also resulted in the general regression among social scientists based in the South and in a marginalisation of their works within the social science community no matter how significant and original they may be. The problematic invisibility of the works of prominent South African scholars is a dimension of a wider crisis of academic dependence, if unchecked this current trend will also reinforce academic dependence. From the nature of the problems generated by academic dependence, it is obvious that there is a need for an intellectual emancipation movement. This movement may take different forms that may range from but are not limited to a commitment to endogeneity which involves among other things, knowledge production that takes South African local conditions seriously enough to be the basis for the development of distinct conceptual ideas and theories. This requires transcending the tendency to use ‘the local’ primarily as a tool for data collection and theoretical framing done from the global north. Secondly, there is a need to take the local, indigenous, ontological narratives seriously enough to serve as source codes for works of distinct epistemological value and exemplary ideas within the global project of knowledge production. Endogeneity in the context of African knowledge production should also involve an intellectual standpoint derived from a rootedness in the African conditions; a centring of African ontological discourses and experiences as the basis of intellectual work (Adesina, 2008: 135). In this study, it is suggested that the recommendations highlighted above can only succeed if scholars make an effort to actually engage with locally produced knowledge. There is therefore a need to make greater efforts to know each other’s work on Africa. This demand is not to appease individual egos but it is essential for progress in scientific work. African communities will benefit from drawing with greater catholicity from the well–spring of knowledge about Africa generated by Africans. In the South African context, transcending academic dependence in the new generation of young academics requires engagement with the work of our local scholars who have devoted their lives to knowledge production. This thesis explores the scholarship of Professor Bernard Magubane by engaging with his works on race, class and inequality by locating his works within the wider debates on race, class and inequality in South Africa. The specific contributions of Professor Magubane to the enterprise of knowledge production are identified and discussed in relation to his critique of Western social science in its application to Africa. The making of Professor Magubane’s life, his career, scholarship and biography details are analysed with the intention of showing their influence on Magubane as a Scholar. The examination of Professor Magubane’s intellectual and biographical accounts help to explain the details, contexts and implications of his theoretical paradigm shifts. This helps prove that Professor Magubane’s experiences and theoretical positions were socially and historically constituted. The research from which this thesis derives is part of an NRF-funded project, on Endogeneity and Modern Sociology in South Africa, under the direction of Professor Jimi Adesina.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Tanyanyiwa, Precious
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Magubane, Bernard -- Knowledge and learning , South Africa -- Race relations , Sociology -- South Africa , Race -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Social classes -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3324 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003112 , Magubane, Bernard -- Knowledge and learning , South Africa -- Race relations , Sociology -- South Africa , Race -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Social classes -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis begins with the assumption that the theory of academic dependency provides an adequate framework within which the relationship between social science communities in the North and South can be understood. Present problems of social scientists in the South have very often been attributed to this dependence and it has been concluded that academic dependence has resulted in an uncritical and imitative approach to ideas and concepts from the West (Alatas, 2000). This dependence has also resulted in the general regression among social scientists based in the South and in a marginalisation of their works within the social science community no matter how significant and original they may be. The problematic invisibility of the works of prominent South African scholars is a dimension of a wider crisis of academic dependence, if unchecked this current trend will also reinforce academic dependence. From the nature of the problems generated by academic dependence, it is obvious that there is a need for an intellectual emancipation movement. This movement may take different forms that may range from but are not limited to a commitment to endogeneity which involves among other things, knowledge production that takes South African local conditions seriously enough to be the basis for the development of distinct conceptual ideas and theories. This requires transcending the tendency to use ‘the local’ primarily as a tool for data collection and theoretical framing done from the global north. Secondly, there is a need to take the local, indigenous, ontological narratives seriously enough to serve as source codes for works of distinct epistemological value and exemplary ideas within the global project of knowledge production. Endogeneity in the context of African knowledge production should also involve an intellectual standpoint derived from a rootedness in the African conditions; a centring of African ontological discourses and experiences as the basis of intellectual work (Adesina, 2008: 135). In this study, it is suggested that the recommendations highlighted above can only succeed if scholars make an effort to actually engage with locally produced knowledge. There is therefore a need to make greater efforts to know each other’s work on Africa. This demand is not to appease individual egos but it is essential for progress in scientific work. African communities will benefit from drawing with greater catholicity from the well–spring of knowledge about Africa generated by Africans. In the South African context, transcending academic dependence in the new generation of young academics requires engagement with the work of our local scholars who have devoted their lives to knowledge production. This thesis explores the scholarship of Professor Bernard Magubane by engaging with his works on race, class and inequality by locating his works within the wider debates on race, class and inequality in South Africa. The specific contributions of Professor Magubane to the enterprise of knowledge production are identified and discussed in relation to his critique of Western social science in its application to Africa. The making of Professor Magubane’s life, his career, scholarship and biography details are analysed with the intention of showing their influence on Magubane as a Scholar. The examination of Professor Magubane’s intellectual and biographical accounts help to explain the details, contexts and implications of his theoretical paradigm shifts. This helps prove that Professor Magubane’s experiences and theoretical positions were socially and historically constituted. The research from which this thesis derives is part of an NRF-funded project, on Endogeneity and Modern Sociology in South Africa, under the direction of Professor Jimi Adesina.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Stinson, Andrew Todd
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Nationalism -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Ethnicity -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042
- Description: Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Stinson, Andrew Todd
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Nationalism -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Ethnicity -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042
- Description: Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Social policy, welfare in urban services in South Africa : a case study of free basic water, indigency and citizenship in Eastwood, Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal (2005-2007)
- Authors: Smith, Julie
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Municipal water supply -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Poor -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:6060 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015231
- Description: This is an in-depth case study of urban water services to poor households and their interactions with local state power in the community of Eastwood, Pietermaritzburg, in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, for the period 2005-2007. It draws especially on the experiences of poor women, exploring the conceptions and implications of the movement of municipal services into the realm of welfare-based urban service concessions. It interrogates what value municipal services, framed in the language and form of welfare but within a commodification milieu and in the context of shifting citizen-state relations offer the state apparatus and how such free basic service offerings are experienced by poor households at the level of domestic, social and economic functioning. The study adopts a fluid mixed-methodological approach to optimise exploration and interpretation. It argues that the interface of state service delivery and citizens is fraught with contradictions: core to this is the nature of state ' help.' Free basic water encompassed in the social wage did not improve the lives of poor households; instead it eroded original water access. Free basic water stole women's time spent on domestic activities; compromised appropriate water requirements, exacerbated service affordability problems and negatively affected household functioning. Poor households experienced the government's policy of free basic services as containment and punishment for being poor. The Indigent Policy activated the state's surveillance, disciplinary and control apparatus. In the absence of effective national regulation over municipalities and with financial shortfalls, street-level bureaucrats manipulated social policies to further municipal cost recovery goals and subjugate poor households. Social control and cheap governance were in symmetry. Citizens, desperate for relief, approached the state. Poor households were pushed into downgraded service packages or mercilessly pursued by municipally outsourced private debt collectors and disconnection companies. Municipalities competing for investments brought about by favourable credit ratings abandoned the humanity of their citizens. Such re-prioritisation of values had profound implications for governance and public trust. Citizens were jettisoned to the outskirts of municipal governance, resulting in a distinct confusion and anger towards the local state - and with it, major uncertainties regarding future stability, redistribution and equity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Smith, Julie
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Municipal water supply -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Poor -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:6060 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015231
- Description: This is an in-depth case study of urban water services to poor households and their interactions with local state power in the community of Eastwood, Pietermaritzburg, in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, for the period 2005-2007. It draws especially on the experiences of poor women, exploring the conceptions and implications of the movement of municipal services into the realm of welfare-based urban service concessions. It interrogates what value municipal services, framed in the language and form of welfare but within a commodification milieu and in the context of shifting citizen-state relations offer the state apparatus and how such free basic service offerings are experienced by poor households at the level of domestic, social and economic functioning. The study adopts a fluid mixed-methodological approach to optimise exploration and interpretation. It argues that the interface of state service delivery and citizens is fraught with contradictions: core to this is the nature of state ' help.' Free basic water encompassed in the social wage did not improve the lives of poor households; instead it eroded original water access. Free basic water stole women's time spent on domestic activities; compromised appropriate water requirements, exacerbated service affordability problems and negatively affected household functioning. Poor households experienced the government's policy of free basic services as containment and punishment for being poor. The Indigent Policy activated the state's surveillance, disciplinary and control apparatus. In the absence of effective national regulation over municipalities and with financial shortfalls, street-level bureaucrats manipulated social policies to further municipal cost recovery goals and subjugate poor households. Social control and cheap governance were in symmetry. Citizens, desperate for relief, approached the state. Poor households were pushed into downgraded service packages or mercilessly pursued by municipally outsourced private debt collectors and disconnection companies. Municipalities competing for investments brought about by favourable credit ratings abandoned the humanity of their citizens. Such re-prioritisation of values had profound implications for governance and public trust. Citizens were jettisoned to the outskirts of municipal governance, resulting in a distinct confusion and anger towards the local state - and with it, major uncertainties regarding future stability, redistribution and equity.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
The constitutional right of access to social security
- Authors: Govindjee, Avinash
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:11061 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/280 , Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Description: The inclusion of the right of access to social security in the Constitution did not meet with wholehearted approval in South Africa. This right, however, is of vital importance for the future upliftment of the country. The present social security system is based upon a clear distinction between social assistance and social insurance. There is a gap in current social security provisions in that the unemployed middle aged individual is not covered. Unemployment itself is one of the greatest challenges obscuring the implementation of a comprehensive social security system. The Constitutional right is to have ‘access’ to social security and the amount of resources at the state’s disposal is directly related to increasing this right, although it is true that a number of available resources are misspent. The state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of the right of access to social security. The principles of solidarity and ubuntu must be cultivated so that national social development becomes a concern for all citizens. There are numerous problems facing South Africans in attaining the goal of access to social security – even if national social development does become a priority. Budgetary constraints, poverty, unemployment, HIV/Aids and foreigners are examples of these. By making social security a priority for everyone, existing ideas (almost all of which have merit) may be converted into long-term solutions for poverty and unemployment. Currently, numerous opportunities to salvage the situation are being overlooked as a result of the lack of a comprehensive and structured plan to better the access to social security. The constitutional right of access to social security is enforceable, although the jurisprudence in this field remains underdeveloped. Conditions are currently favourable, within the country and beyond its borders, for an imaginative and concerted attempt to be made to find potential solutions. It is possible for resources to be increased and for tax benefits to be incorporated for businesses which have the capacity to contribute. The issue of defence spending is controversial, but could hold the key to lowering unemployment. Should jobs be created, it is likely that they will initially be of a temporary nature. Consequently, provisions are needed to ensure some guarantee of income in the lacuna between when a job is lost and another found. Ultimately, one thing is certain: the constitutional right of access to social security will only be complete once the people who are recipients of this right make sacrifices and create corresponding duties for themselves to ensure that the next generation of inhabitants of this country are not facing similar problems. The state’s goal should be to ensure that the basic rights which all people enjoy in terms of the Constitution (in particular the other socio-economic rights) are guaranteed for the duration of their existence, even if the level of benefits received by such people is low.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Govindjee, Avinash
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , LLM
- Identifier: vital:11061 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/280 , Social security -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Description: The inclusion of the right of access to social security in the Constitution did not meet with wholehearted approval in South Africa. This right, however, is of vital importance for the future upliftment of the country. The present social security system is based upon a clear distinction between social assistance and social insurance. There is a gap in current social security provisions in that the unemployed middle aged individual is not covered. Unemployment itself is one of the greatest challenges obscuring the implementation of a comprehensive social security system. The Constitutional right is to have ‘access’ to social security and the amount of resources at the state’s disposal is directly related to increasing this right, although it is true that a number of available resources are misspent. The state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of the right of access to social security. The principles of solidarity and ubuntu must be cultivated so that national social development becomes a concern for all citizens. There are numerous problems facing South Africans in attaining the goal of access to social security – even if national social development does become a priority. Budgetary constraints, poverty, unemployment, HIV/Aids and foreigners are examples of these. By making social security a priority for everyone, existing ideas (almost all of which have merit) may be converted into long-term solutions for poverty and unemployment. Currently, numerous opportunities to salvage the situation are being overlooked as a result of the lack of a comprehensive and structured plan to better the access to social security. The constitutional right of access to social security is enforceable, although the jurisprudence in this field remains underdeveloped. Conditions are currently favourable, within the country and beyond its borders, for an imaginative and concerted attempt to be made to find potential solutions. It is possible for resources to be increased and for tax benefits to be incorporated for businesses which have the capacity to contribute. The issue of defence spending is controversial, but could hold the key to lowering unemployment. Should jobs be created, it is likely that they will initially be of a temporary nature. Consequently, provisions are needed to ensure some guarantee of income in the lacuna between when a job is lost and another found. Ultimately, one thing is certain: the constitutional right of access to social security will only be complete once the people who are recipients of this right make sacrifices and create corresponding duties for themselves to ensure that the next generation of inhabitants of this country are not facing similar problems. The state’s goal should be to ensure that the basic rights which all people enjoy in terms of the Constitution (in particular the other socio-economic rights) are guaranteed for the duration of their existence, even if the level of benefits received by such people is low.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
A basic guide to the Reconstruction and Development Programme
- Authors: African National Congress
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Reconstruction and development programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Social policy , African National Congress
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75927 , vital:30483 , 1874902062
- Description: The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: African National Congress
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Reconstruction and development programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Social policy , African National Congress
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75927 , vital:30483 , 1874902062
- Description: The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
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