Activist radio and the struggle to empower audiences: a case study of the Zimbabwean history
- Authors: Chaunza, Garikai
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Activism Zimbabwe , Radio broadcasting Political aspects Zimbabwe , Authoritarianism Zimbabwe , Democracy Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe Social conditions , Zimbabwe Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466907 , vital:76797 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/466907
- Description: This study is grounded in my 18-year career in journalism in Zimbabwe. This journey began in January 2006 at the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), where I started as a news reporter. In June 2008, I left ZBC and transitioned to freelance roles, including work at Radio Voice of the People (VOP), which broadcasted from South Africa using Radio Netherlands' transmitters in Madagascar. Simultaneously, I corresponded for The Zimbabwean Newspaper, edited in the UK, printed in Johannesburg, South Africa, and distributed to Zimbabwe, Radio Netherlands, Free Speech Radio News (USA), KPFA Pacifica Foundation Radio (USA), and DW (German). More recently, my work has expanded into the digital domain, contributing to New Zimbabwe, an online newspaper for the Zimbabwean diaspora in the UK, before transitioning to Community Radio Harare. Throughout my 18-year career as a media practitioner and journalist in Zimbabwe, I faced constant state-sanctioned interference, and even physical violence, while executing my responsibilities. Initially, at the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), several colleagues and I, including our news editor, were politically victimised and ultimately fired for covering opposition political players and human rights activists. Later, when I was operating outside state-established media outlets, I experienced a series of threats, intimidation, arrests and detentions by state security. This was also true during my six-year tenure as the chairperson of the Media Institute of Southern Africa's Harare advocacy committee. This experience underscored the importance of studying the history of media activism in this country, focusing on the role that activists have played sustaining the alternative media despite intimidation by the state. I am convinced of the importance documenting their experiences, capturing their contribution to the creation of alternative communication platforms for marginalised audiences. In exploring the literature I discovered that the traditions of activist media, in which I have been involved myself, are rooted in a much older history that can be traced back to pre-independent Zimbabwe. At that time, colonial authorities also restricted media freedoms and employed violence against pro-democracy activities, referred to as nationalists. I decided, for the purpose of this study, to delve into this pre-history of media activism in Zimbabwe, focusing on radio in particular. I wished to gain insight into the way media activists have, over time, sustained their involvement in the traditions of radio practice that can empower marginalised communities. I was conscious that the continued survival of activist radio in this country has often been arduous, with activists facing harassment, arrests, and detentions by authoritarian administrations resisting the opening up of democratic spaces. I wished to trace this history of resistance from its origins in the mid-twentieth century to the time of my own involvement in such radio in the 21st century. In particular, I hoped to identify shared normative foundations as well as shared practices for the implementation of these ideals. Chapter One of the study explores the history of activist radio from the mid-20th century to the present, identifying five distinct phases in Zimbabwe's socio-political history and illustrating how each phase shaped the media landscape. Building on this, Chapter Two establishes a theoretical framework underpinning the values and principles driving media activists to create people-oriented radio projects to empower marginalized communities. Chapter Three delves into the documented history of activist radio within the broader context of media activism in Zimbabwe, engaging with each of the five key moments detailed in Chapter One. Chapter Four outlines the research plan for the empirical fieldwork and discusses its implementation. In Chapter Five, I present interviews with radio activists from the 1970s' nationalist radio and those involved in the pirate radio tradition that re-emerged at the turn of the millennium, sharing their practical experiences. Chapter Six focuses on interviews with community radio advocates, detailing their involvement in radio activism during the first decade of the millennium. Finally, Chapter Seven examines the activities of community radio practitioners, exploring their experiences with unlicensed radio projects and highlighting their creative endeavours. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Journalism and Media Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Chaunza, Garikai
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: Activism Zimbabwe , Radio broadcasting Political aspects Zimbabwe , Authoritarianism Zimbabwe , Democracy Zimbabwe , Zimbabwe Social conditions , Zimbabwe Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/466907 , vital:76797 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/466907
- Description: This study is grounded in my 18-year career in journalism in Zimbabwe. This journey began in January 2006 at the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), where I started as a news reporter. In June 2008, I left ZBC and transitioned to freelance roles, including work at Radio Voice of the People (VOP), which broadcasted from South Africa using Radio Netherlands' transmitters in Madagascar. Simultaneously, I corresponded for The Zimbabwean Newspaper, edited in the UK, printed in Johannesburg, South Africa, and distributed to Zimbabwe, Radio Netherlands, Free Speech Radio News (USA), KPFA Pacifica Foundation Radio (USA), and DW (German). More recently, my work has expanded into the digital domain, contributing to New Zimbabwe, an online newspaper for the Zimbabwean diaspora in the UK, before transitioning to Community Radio Harare. Throughout my 18-year career as a media practitioner and journalist in Zimbabwe, I faced constant state-sanctioned interference, and even physical violence, while executing my responsibilities. Initially, at the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), several colleagues and I, including our news editor, were politically victimised and ultimately fired for covering opposition political players and human rights activists. Later, when I was operating outside state-established media outlets, I experienced a series of threats, intimidation, arrests and detentions by state security. This was also true during my six-year tenure as the chairperson of the Media Institute of Southern Africa's Harare advocacy committee. This experience underscored the importance of studying the history of media activism in this country, focusing on the role that activists have played sustaining the alternative media despite intimidation by the state. I am convinced of the importance documenting their experiences, capturing their contribution to the creation of alternative communication platforms for marginalised audiences. In exploring the literature I discovered that the traditions of activist media, in which I have been involved myself, are rooted in a much older history that can be traced back to pre-independent Zimbabwe. At that time, colonial authorities also restricted media freedoms and employed violence against pro-democracy activities, referred to as nationalists. I decided, for the purpose of this study, to delve into this pre-history of media activism in Zimbabwe, focusing on radio in particular. I wished to gain insight into the way media activists have, over time, sustained their involvement in the traditions of radio practice that can empower marginalised communities. I was conscious that the continued survival of activist radio in this country has often been arduous, with activists facing harassment, arrests, and detentions by authoritarian administrations resisting the opening up of democratic spaces. I wished to trace this history of resistance from its origins in the mid-twentieth century to the time of my own involvement in such radio in the 21st century. In particular, I hoped to identify shared normative foundations as well as shared practices for the implementation of these ideals. Chapter One of the study explores the history of activist radio from the mid-20th century to the present, identifying five distinct phases in Zimbabwe's socio-political history and illustrating how each phase shaped the media landscape. Building on this, Chapter Two establishes a theoretical framework underpinning the values and principles driving media activists to create people-oriented radio projects to empower marginalized communities. Chapter Three delves into the documented history of activist radio within the broader context of media activism in Zimbabwe, engaging with each of the five key moments detailed in Chapter One. Chapter Four outlines the research plan for the empirical fieldwork and discusses its implementation. In Chapter Five, I present interviews with radio activists from the 1970s' nationalist radio and those involved in the pirate radio tradition that re-emerged at the turn of the millennium, sharing their practical experiences. Chapter Six focuses on interviews with community radio advocates, detailing their involvement in radio activism during the first decade of the millennium. Finally, Chapter Seven examines the activities of community radio practitioners, exploring their experiences with unlicensed radio projects and highlighting their creative endeavours. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Journalism and Media Studies, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The nexus between territorial border controls, informal cross border trading and economic security in Zimbabwe: the case of Beitbridge Border Post
- Authors: Nare, Hilary
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Informal sector (Economics) Zimbabwe , South Africa Commerce Zimbabwe , Border security Zimbabwe , Economic security Zimbabwe , Beitbridge (Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365977 , vital:65807 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365977
- Description: Informal cross border trade is central to the lives of many Zimbabweans, with informal trade across the Zimbabwean-South African border being of particular importance. This entails travelling through the Beitbridge border post on the Zimbabwean side, with Zimbabwean informal traders purchasing items in South Africa for resale in Zimbabwe. In doing so, they contribute not only to their own economic security but likely to the economic security of other Zimbabweans deeply affected by the ongoing crisis in the country. Often times, when examining the lives of Zimbabwe’s informal traders, the border post is not subjected to sustained focus and analysis. Yet, border posts (like the Beitbridge border post) are complex social institutions which configure the lives and livelihoods of cross border traders in multiple ways, and which informal traders often have to negotiate their way through. In this context, this thesis provides a critical analysis of border control management at the Beitbridge border post with particular reference to the activities of Zimbabwean informal cross border traders. The Beitbridge border post, like all border posts, has multiple functions. As a territorial border post, it seeks to maintain the national sovereignty of the Zimbabwean nation- state, and it monitors and controls the movement of people and goods in both directions. Currently, it is doing so at a time when the vast majority of Zimbabweans are suffering from varying levels of economic insecurity. The extent to which these functions are performed, and the manner in which they are performed, depends fundamentally on what takes place at the Beitbridge border post. This refers to the performance of both human subjects (border control officers of various kinds) and inanimate objects (such as scanners and cameras), both of which enact agency. Combined with these is the agency of cross border traders, who are compelled to navigate their way in and through these dimensions of the border control system. The thesis examines this by drawing heavily upon Actor-Network Theory. It is based on research undertaken at Beitbridge border post, involving 50 interviews with primarily current and former border control officers as well as informal cross border traders. Findings of this study show that deficiencies in border control management and border porosity at Beitbridge have led to a flourishing of informal cross border trade and, in turn, contributed to economic security in Zimbabwe, including during the time of Covid-19. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Nare, Hilary
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Informal sector (Economics) Zimbabwe , South Africa Commerce Zimbabwe , Border security Zimbabwe , Economic security Zimbabwe , Beitbridge (Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365977 , vital:65807 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365977
- Description: Informal cross border trade is central to the lives of many Zimbabweans, with informal trade across the Zimbabwean-South African border being of particular importance. This entails travelling through the Beitbridge border post on the Zimbabwean side, with Zimbabwean informal traders purchasing items in South Africa for resale in Zimbabwe. In doing so, they contribute not only to their own economic security but likely to the economic security of other Zimbabweans deeply affected by the ongoing crisis in the country. Often times, when examining the lives of Zimbabwe’s informal traders, the border post is not subjected to sustained focus and analysis. Yet, border posts (like the Beitbridge border post) are complex social institutions which configure the lives and livelihoods of cross border traders in multiple ways, and which informal traders often have to negotiate their way through. In this context, this thesis provides a critical analysis of border control management at the Beitbridge border post with particular reference to the activities of Zimbabwean informal cross border traders. The Beitbridge border post, like all border posts, has multiple functions. As a territorial border post, it seeks to maintain the national sovereignty of the Zimbabwean nation- state, and it monitors and controls the movement of people and goods in both directions. Currently, it is doing so at a time when the vast majority of Zimbabweans are suffering from varying levels of economic insecurity. The extent to which these functions are performed, and the manner in which they are performed, depends fundamentally on what takes place at the Beitbridge border post. This refers to the performance of both human subjects (border control officers of various kinds) and inanimate objects (such as scanners and cameras), both of which enact agency. Combined with these is the agency of cross border traders, who are compelled to navigate their way in and through these dimensions of the border control system. The thesis examines this by drawing heavily upon Actor-Network Theory. It is based on research undertaken at Beitbridge border post, involving 50 interviews with primarily current and former border control officers as well as informal cross border traders. Findings of this study show that deficiencies in border control management and border porosity at Beitbridge have led to a flourishing of informal cross border trade and, in turn, contributed to economic security in Zimbabwe, including during the time of Covid-19. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Youth, political violence and ZANU-PF politics in Zimbabwe, c.1950-2018
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- «
- ‹
- 1
- ›
- »