Hegemon and handmaiden: a neo-gramscian approach to South Africa’s position in the global political economy
- Authors: Koza, Zintle
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Hegemony
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18325 , vital:42252
- Description: Despite its assumed leadership of and investment in the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), South Africa has not developed its own hegemonic project and is consequently unable to exert significant influence over the ideas of the two institutions. Rooted in Antonio Gramsci’s absolute historicism, which locates decisions and actions at the level of the state within specific contexts, Robert Cox’s Method of Historical Structures (MHS) offers a framework that enables an approach informed by Critical Theory to analysing and empirically understanding the underlying factors of this situation. Utilising the three elements of the MHS, namely, material capabilities, ideas and institutions, and applying them to the context of international relations, it was found that South Africa’s choices have been informed by the global context of the post-USSR global arena it entered in 1990. The triumph of the neoliberal world order led by the United States framed the context of South Africa’s engagement with Africa and the world, with its choices informed by a composite of neoliberally defined global social relations of production and ideas that had already elicited global consent. South Africa’s organisation of material capabilities and resources was thus limited within the parameters of a neoliberal world order, and the predominance of institutions that facilitated the penetration of neoliberalism, regionally and globally. The global hegemonic order relies on surrogates for its functioning and South Africa’s subsequent domestic adherence to the hegemonic neoliberal order has been transferred to SADC and, to a limited extent, to the AU through the policies and institutional projects that South Africa has championed since 1994. Nonetheless, in the face of persistent inequality and poverty, internal contestation to this adherence has emanated from trade unions and civil society organisations. It was found that the continued and intensifying domestic contestation iii reinforces the lack of a domestic hegemonic project that could have been projected externally to SADC and the AU, so that South Africa, as a dominant peripheral state in the global world order, displays more characteristics of handmaiden than hegemon.
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- Date Issued: 2020
An investigation into instability in post- Gaddafi Libya, Mali and Nigeria: a comparative theoretical approach
- Authors: Chindoga, Melody
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Terrorism Insurgency Terrorism -- Government policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , M Soc Sci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2667 , vital:27982
- Description: Since the ousting of Gaddafi from power in 2011, Libya, Mali and Nigeria have experienced high levels of instability. An investigation into the causes of instability is employed in the study to gain insights into the major cause of conflict in post-Gaddafi Libya, Mali and Nigeria. The study considered instability as a consequence of a combination of existing exogenous and endogenous factors which were examined according to various theoretical lenses. A comparative theoretical analysis was used so as to interpret and analyse data. The analysis was subjected to theoretical scrutiny according to four mainstream International Relations theories namely; realism, critical theory, constructivism and the “clash of civilizations” hypothesis, in order to determine whether they could effectively explain post-Gaddafi violence and instability. The research findings revealed that the distinction between internal and external variables is artificial and the various causes cannot be exclusively differentiated from one other. The research also identified constructivism as the best possible explanation of instability in the particular context under investigation, through its recognition of the significance of normative as well as material elements, and the emphasis placed on the role of identity and ideas in shaping political actions.
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- Date Issued: 2016
Post-2008 voter apathy among the youth in the Eastern Cape : a comparative study of urban and rural municipalities
- Authors: Peter, Bongeka
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Youth -- Political activity -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Political participation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Apathy -- South Africa Municipal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , M Soc Sci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/630 , vital:26475
- Description: This dissertation deals with the nature of the black middle-class assimilation in the South African suburban space, a space that was the sole preserve of the white middle-class during apartheid. It explores the relationship between these races as they come to meet in this space and what new identities are being formed. It also explores the relationship between both the black and white suburbanites and the urban poor who stay in an adjacent area to the suburb. The study uses the Beacon Bay area, which is constituted by one of East London’s most affluent suburbs and a poor township, Nompumelelo, to show how the emergent black middle-class has managed to enter this space in the post-apartheid era. Previous studies by Richard Ballard (2004) and Grant Saff (2001) have shown how the white middle-class has always been against any form of race or class mixing. Within the suburb, the new black suburbanites in Beacon Bay appear to have been welcomed but with conditions by their fellow white counterparts. The relationship between these two races does not stretch beyond meet and greets and it is only in the second generation black middle-class that you find better and non-superficial relations with fellow white suburbanites. In the older generation, the generation that experienced apartheid, the relationship between these two races has been that of tolerance and serious escape of contact unless when necessary. The children of both white and black families, though, have a far better relationship in school and in sport than their parents. This has created another area of contact for both these races and it bears potential for meaningful integration in the suburban space. Externally as it relates to relations between the black middle-class and the urban poor, the findings show that these new black suburbanites express a similar discomfort as the white suburbanites about the urban poor’s presence in the area. This shows that the evolution of the Beacon Bay suburb, with its deep-rooted discourse of white middle-class exclusivity, has not been entirely about hatred of the urban poor necessarily but about an identity ascription of what it means to live in a suburb. Despite these realities traditional ceremonies organised by the black middle-class in the suburbs and the church appear to be playing a role in creating relations between these suburbanites and the Nompumelelo residents. This is why we have decided to use the conceptualisation of the 18th century frontier zone as the borders of segregation within the suburb and between the suburban residents and those of the township can be crossed and re-crossed.
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- Date Issued: 2016
Hegemonic conceptualisations of contestation in the Middle East: a case study of Iraq
- Authors: Kwitshi, Aviwe
- Date: 200
- Subjects: Terrorism Insurgency
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc. Sci (Political Science)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/18130 , vital:42235
- Description: This dissertation illustrated how the production of discourse defining ‘terrorism’ evolved after the emergence of the United States as hegemon, a position that enabled it to develop meaning narratives to arrive at discursive constructs that were selfrewarding, in that they justified its invasion of Iraq in 2003. This study was able to analyse the construction of the ‘war on terror’ discourse used about the Middle East (ME) as a result of the US hegemonic position, using both Gramsci’s analysis of discourse and Foucault’s concepts of power relations. Gramsci proposes the production of discourses through the concept of ’hegemony’. On the other hand, for Foucault (1980: 93), ‘‘relations of power cannot in themselves be established, consolidated nor implemented without the production, accumulation, circulation and functioning of a discourse’’. This study focuses on the period after World War II, drawing on events in the Middle East, in particular Iraq, and examining the influence of the US in the region during this period. In addition, this study addresses the conceptualisation of ‘terrorism’ and discourse around this phenomenon as a function of power and a generally accepted outcome of the exercise of hegemony. The study illustrates how power works through discourse based on Foucault’s conceptualisation of the relationship between power and discourse, and the hegemon’s intention of utilising its discursive power in shaping the views and actions of others.
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- Date Issued: 200