A strategic approach towards the successful implementation of corporate governance of Information and Communication Technology in the Kwazulu-Natal Department of Social Development
- Authors: Siziba, Makabongwe Johnson
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Corporate governance -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal -- Management Information technology -- Management -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/49617 , vital:41741
- Description: Information is a critical asset in any organisation and its management, including the associated technological channels, requires the attention of decision-makers to ensure that information assets are utilised for the intended purposes. Therefore, decision-makers need to have appropriate governance oversight on technology that produces information and information itself. Over the years, the governance of ICT has been adopted in the public sector given the fact that state funding received from tax collections is utilised to invest in IT solutions with the intention of expediting service delivery and increase productivity. The purpose of this treatise was to identify the root causes of why the department is not implementing Corporate Governance of ICT successfully despite the fact that most good controls do exist. The research revealed that there is insufficient budget to implement ICT projects coupled with inadequate ICT staff to implement ICT strategy. Furthermore, it cited a lack of ICT governance skills with ICT Strategic Committee members who are tasked with pioneering ICT governance. This weakness relates directly to other identified weaknesses such as end-user resistance to adopt ICT projects and a lack of project management function in the department.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Siziba, Makabongwe Johnson
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Corporate governance -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal -- Management Information technology -- Management -- South Africa -- KwaZulu-Natal
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/49617 , vital:41741
- Description: Information is a critical asset in any organisation and its management, including the associated technological channels, requires the attention of decision-makers to ensure that information assets are utilised for the intended purposes. Therefore, decision-makers need to have appropriate governance oversight on technology that produces information and information itself. Over the years, the governance of ICT has been adopted in the public sector given the fact that state funding received from tax collections is utilised to invest in IT solutions with the intention of expediting service delivery and increase productivity. The purpose of this treatise was to identify the root causes of why the department is not implementing Corporate Governance of ICT successfully despite the fact that most good controls do exist. The research revealed that there is insufficient budget to implement ICT projects coupled with inadequate ICT staff to implement ICT strategy. Furthermore, it cited a lack of ICT governance skills with ICT Strategic Committee members who are tasked with pioneering ICT governance. This weakness relates directly to other identified weaknesses such as end-user resistance to adopt ICT projects and a lack of project management function in the department.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Mediation practice : perceptions of practitioners from the African insider mediators platform
- Authors: Smith, Richard
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Mediation , Mediators (Persons) , Social conflict
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8353 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020909
- Description: In African countries emerging from periods of violent crisis a layer of civil society practitioners and peacebuilders appear to play a critical role in mediating the inevitable disputes and tensions that arise. This treatise focuses on a sample of these mediating practitioners who perceive themselves in a variety of different ways, as peacebuilders, as conflict managers, as conflict resolution practitioners and as conflict transformation practitioners. The practitioners who participated in this study work at multiple levels to support the mediative processes that are needed in contexts of crisis and transition. They form part of a wider group of practitioners who have taken the initiative to organise insider mediators into a learning community of practitioners, under the auspices of the African Insider Mediators Platform (AIMP). This platform provides scholars with a useful research opportunity. The overall aim of this study is to explore the relationship between conflict transformation theory and the establishment of the AIMP as perceived by AIMP practitioners. It captures the perceptions that mediators have of the nature of the conflicts in which they are engaged and the influence of theoretical approaches on their practice. The treatise focuses on the perceptions of selected mediation practitioners associated with the AIMP. It draws out the conceptual lenses that are used to inform perceptions of effective mediation practice and that connect the perceptions of practitioners with the concepts contained within the conflict transformation theory. In so doing it describes the perceptions of practitioners and discusses the extent to which these perceptions resonate or deviate from theoretical conceptualisations of conflict in Africa and the theoretical frameworks that outline what constitutes an effective mediative response to this conflict. The insights into effectiveness that emerge from this approach are outlined in the treatise, drawing from background research that has informed the formation of the AIMP as well as from interviews carried out with selected mediation practitioners. The research findings suggest that there are several perceived connections between the theoretical underpinnings of conflict transformation approaches and the practice of the insider mediators involved in this study. The discussion of the data puts forward the proposition that the conceptual perceptions of the insider mediators involved in the study, in their description of elements of mediation practice and the nature of conflict, resonate strongly with the theories associated with conflict transformation thinking. In addition several additional theoretical influences appear to have been incorporated into an overall approach to discrete and collaborative mediation efforts that reinforce a strong connection between conflict transformation thinking and the practice of insider mediators. These relational connections between theory and practice are outlined in some detail in the description of the study that follows.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Smith, Richard
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Mediation , Mediators (Persons) , Social conflict
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8353 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020909
- Description: In African countries emerging from periods of violent crisis a layer of civil society practitioners and peacebuilders appear to play a critical role in mediating the inevitable disputes and tensions that arise. This treatise focuses on a sample of these mediating practitioners who perceive themselves in a variety of different ways, as peacebuilders, as conflict managers, as conflict resolution practitioners and as conflict transformation practitioners. The practitioners who participated in this study work at multiple levels to support the mediative processes that are needed in contexts of crisis and transition. They form part of a wider group of practitioners who have taken the initiative to organise insider mediators into a learning community of practitioners, under the auspices of the African Insider Mediators Platform (AIMP). This platform provides scholars with a useful research opportunity. The overall aim of this study is to explore the relationship between conflict transformation theory and the establishment of the AIMP as perceived by AIMP practitioners. It captures the perceptions that mediators have of the nature of the conflicts in which they are engaged and the influence of theoretical approaches on their practice. The treatise focuses on the perceptions of selected mediation practitioners associated with the AIMP. It draws out the conceptual lenses that are used to inform perceptions of effective mediation practice and that connect the perceptions of practitioners with the concepts contained within the conflict transformation theory. In so doing it describes the perceptions of practitioners and discusses the extent to which these perceptions resonate or deviate from theoretical conceptualisations of conflict in Africa and the theoretical frameworks that outline what constitutes an effective mediative response to this conflict. The insights into effectiveness that emerge from this approach are outlined in the treatise, drawing from background research that has informed the formation of the AIMP as well as from interviews carried out with selected mediation practitioners. The research findings suggest that there are several perceived connections between the theoretical underpinnings of conflict transformation approaches and the practice of the insider mediators involved in this study. The discussion of the data puts forward the proposition that the conceptual perceptions of the insider mediators involved in the study, in their description of elements of mediation practice and the nature of conflict, resonate strongly with the theories associated with conflict transformation thinking. In addition several additional theoretical influences appear to have been incorporated into an overall approach to discrete and collaborative mediation efforts that reinforce a strong connection between conflict transformation thinking and the practice of insider mediators. These relational connections between theory and practice are outlined in some detail in the description of the study that follows.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Lessons for South Africa's national identity: the political writings of Aggrey Klaaste
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa , Multiculturalism -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8359 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021077
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and Ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa , Multiculturalism -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8359 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021077
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and Ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Lessons for South African identity : the political writings of Aggrey Klaaste
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Klaaste, Aggrey , National characteristics , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8306 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019997
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Klaaste, Aggrey , National characteristics , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8306 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019997
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The response of the South African Police Service in the prevention and management of domestic violence
- Authors: Steinsland, Linda Renate
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Restorative justice -- South Africa , Police|xResponse time -- South Africa , Family violence -- Prevention
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8305 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019982
- Description: The levels of crime and violence in South Africa seem to go hand in hand with the increase in the number of police practitioners. However, despite all the work going into it, “nothing seems to reduce the general trend” (Burger 2007:1). Domestic violence, for instance, is one of the major challenges practitioners are faced with on a daily basis at all levels in South Africa (Bendall 2010:100). Nonetheless, the country has yet to recognise this specific type of violence as a crime in their official crime statistics (SAPS 2010). Domestic violence has, in fact, struggled to become recognised as one of the most serious types of crime in today‟s society. This might be explained in terms of the developments that have occurred – both in international research and in the domestic realm – especially in terms of the ever-changing nuclear family. However, this could also be explained in the way such violence is treated by the South African Police Service. Nonetheless, it appears that a significant amount of research has been undertaken on the nature and impact of domestic violence, including the various responses and strategies to its management. However, it seems as though no-one can come up with a proper solution to this problem. In terms of violence in general, a number of different researchers in the field have suggested possible explanations to the problem. Burton, for instance, explained violence in terms of the neglect of basic human needs, the need for identity and the need for control. This author suggested that if these basic needs are frustrated, violence could be expected to occur, including violence within the family. Moreover, some violent behaviour could be described in terms of a loss of control of the situation and the management thereof. It is especially in these circumstances that conflict management techniques are to be highly recommended. Mediation – or facilitation – collectively referred to as restorative justice – is an example of such a technique. However, the question of whether or not to include mediation has been subject to much discussion amongst scholars in the field. As one of the main roles of the police is to prevent violence, and to protect the citizens from harm, it would be appropriate for the purpose of this study, to focus specifically on the SAPS and their response to cases of domestic violence. Their lived experiences are evaluated in terms of the existing legal framework, as well as in the light of other empirical research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Steinsland, Linda Renate
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Restorative justice -- South Africa , Police|xResponse time -- South Africa , Family violence -- Prevention
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8305 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019982
- Description: The levels of crime and violence in South Africa seem to go hand in hand with the increase in the number of police practitioners. However, despite all the work going into it, “nothing seems to reduce the general trend” (Burger 2007:1). Domestic violence, for instance, is one of the major challenges practitioners are faced with on a daily basis at all levels in South Africa (Bendall 2010:100). Nonetheless, the country has yet to recognise this specific type of violence as a crime in their official crime statistics (SAPS 2010). Domestic violence has, in fact, struggled to become recognised as one of the most serious types of crime in today‟s society. This might be explained in terms of the developments that have occurred – both in international research and in the domestic realm – especially in terms of the ever-changing nuclear family. However, this could also be explained in the way such violence is treated by the South African Police Service. Nonetheless, it appears that a significant amount of research has been undertaken on the nature and impact of domestic violence, including the various responses and strategies to its management. However, it seems as though no-one can come up with a proper solution to this problem. In terms of violence in general, a number of different researchers in the field have suggested possible explanations to the problem. Burton, for instance, explained violence in terms of the neglect of basic human needs, the need for identity and the need for control. This author suggested that if these basic needs are frustrated, violence could be expected to occur, including violence within the family. Moreover, some violent behaviour could be described in terms of a loss of control of the situation and the management thereof. It is especially in these circumstances that conflict management techniques are to be highly recommended. Mediation – or facilitation – collectively referred to as restorative justice – is an example of such a technique. However, the question of whether or not to include mediation has been subject to much discussion amongst scholars in the field. As one of the main roles of the police is to prevent violence, and to protect the citizens from harm, it would be appropriate for the purpose of this study, to focus specifically on the SAPS and their response to cases of domestic violence. Their lived experiences are evaluated in terms of the existing legal framework, as well as in the light of other empirical research.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
A critical analysis of land redistribution and economic development of farm workers in the Stellenbosch Agricultural Area : a research treatise
- Authors: Stemela, Mbuyiselo
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8232 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/852 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Description: This study critically analyzed land redistribution and economic empowerment of farm workers in the Stellenbosch agricultural area. Past socio-economic and political policies have resulted in a racially skewed and inequitable distribution of land as well as overcrowding, overstocking and poverty in the countryside. It has become imperative that fundamental change is brought about in order to improve economical opportunities of all South Africans to access land for beneficial and productive use. Land reform, as the central thrust of land policy, is not only part of the effort towards the creation of equitable land distribution, but also of national reconciliation and stability. This study analyzed the notion of economic empowerment of farm workers. It looked at historical overview of the evolution of politics in South Africa and contemporary legislative framework pertaining to land redistribution and farm workers in the Western Cape. A case study of Bouwland farm in the Stellenbosch agricultural area was used as an example of how land redistribution can contribute to economically empower farm workers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Stemela, Mbuyiselo
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8232 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/852 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Description: This study critically analyzed land redistribution and economic empowerment of farm workers in the Stellenbosch agricultural area. Past socio-economic and political policies have resulted in a racially skewed and inequitable distribution of land as well as overcrowding, overstocking and poverty in the countryside. It has become imperative that fundamental change is brought about in order to improve economical opportunities of all South Africans to access land for beneficial and productive use. Land reform, as the central thrust of land policy, is not only part of the effort towards the creation of equitable land distribution, but also of national reconciliation and stability. This study analyzed the notion of economic empowerment of farm workers. It looked at historical overview of the evolution of politics in South Africa and contemporary legislative framework pertaining to land redistribution and farm workers in the Western Cape. A case study of Bouwland farm in the Stellenbosch agricultural area was used as an example of how land redistribution can contribute to economically empower farm workers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The perception of Khayelitsha women on socioeconomic gains since 1994
- Authors: Stofile-Hlahla, Linda
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Women -- South Africa -- Cape Town -- Economic conditions , Empowerment -- Women -- South Africa -- Cape Town Women -- Political activity -- South Africa -- Cape Town
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/35267 , vital:33688
- Description: Post 1994, empowerment became the buzz word in the South African new dispensation and has been on the agenda of almost every democratic elected South African President including the current one. However, there is a perceived confusion on the meaning of the word as others believe that is a false affirmative action while others believe that it requires enablers and cannot only be individually driven in the absence of such resources. Empowerment in context refers to a process whereby those who has been denied opportunities in terms of making remarkable life choices gains such an ability in terms of power to improve their living state and of those around them. For women, it is a capacity to be dependent in terms of choices such as economic participation through business ventures or choice of marriage and more. However, the reality does not necessary mean that such choices are liveable. The lack of empowerment of women is strongly linked to socio-economic, political, stereotypic tendencies associated with culture and requires some concerted efforts by all including communities since its manifestation affects families, communities and nations. Its plight is mostly evident in the villages, rural communities and townships and as results has draws the attention of the researcher to establish such factors that hinders empowerment of women in the 22 years of democracy. The aim of the study is to establish whether women in Khayelitsha have been able to realise socio economic gains (i.e. economic empowerment) since 1994. This study intends to do so by examining perception of women regarding factors that hamper their economic empowerment in Khayelitsha, Western Cape. Additional to that, is the perception of how government strategies including policies have enhanced their socio-economic participation or discrimination of women to defeat the notion of disempowerment. It will provide recommendations on how the system can be improved to prioritise the needs of the women and later improve implementation of the women empowerment strategies. A sample of 46 focus group participants were identified and the qualitative research approach was exploited to gain first-hand knowledge of such perceptions. The focus group study found that women empowerment is still a far-fetched dream and cannot be achieved until all barriers are removed. Moreover, the government mechanisms to facilitate economic empowerment of women are not known and does not benefit all women. It has also found out that such mechanisms are not the answer to every woman`s troubles. The study recommends the following: Government should intensify policy implementation and expansion of the programmes to reach those poor women where sometimes information does not come to them. Government should intensify accountability checks especial in the grassroots level where most women are found. Women should be afforded opportunities and support to realise their full potential. Young women should be motivated to inculcate the culture of willingness to learn amongst themselves, by being involved in community projects as volunteers. The culture of “Vukuzenzele” need to be strengthened so that people can move away from the culture of dependency. Women need to be enlightened to be involved in their communities. Communities need to be capacitated on the notion of empowerment against the existing government policies and programmes. In case where policy gap is observed, policy review must be embarked on. The playing field need to level against discrimination by gender and capacitate women to take opportunities in areas that are male dominated. Government agencies need to be visible for communities to know their purpose and roles in making government realise its agenda. Access to finance for women should be prioritised for women to establish or expand their businesses. Lastly, Government need to devise means for people to be at the forefront of their development such that; they make informed choices, identify market opportunities, sustainable products and seek information to generate income through self-employment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Stofile-Hlahla, Linda
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Women -- South Africa -- Cape Town -- Economic conditions , Empowerment -- Women -- South Africa -- Cape Town Women -- Political activity -- South Africa -- Cape Town
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/35267 , vital:33688
- Description: Post 1994, empowerment became the buzz word in the South African new dispensation and has been on the agenda of almost every democratic elected South African President including the current one. However, there is a perceived confusion on the meaning of the word as others believe that is a false affirmative action while others believe that it requires enablers and cannot only be individually driven in the absence of such resources. Empowerment in context refers to a process whereby those who has been denied opportunities in terms of making remarkable life choices gains such an ability in terms of power to improve their living state and of those around them. For women, it is a capacity to be dependent in terms of choices such as economic participation through business ventures or choice of marriage and more. However, the reality does not necessary mean that such choices are liveable. The lack of empowerment of women is strongly linked to socio-economic, political, stereotypic tendencies associated with culture and requires some concerted efforts by all including communities since its manifestation affects families, communities and nations. Its plight is mostly evident in the villages, rural communities and townships and as results has draws the attention of the researcher to establish such factors that hinders empowerment of women in the 22 years of democracy. The aim of the study is to establish whether women in Khayelitsha have been able to realise socio economic gains (i.e. economic empowerment) since 1994. This study intends to do so by examining perception of women regarding factors that hamper their economic empowerment in Khayelitsha, Western Cape. Additional to that, is the perception of how government strategies including policies have enhanced their socio-economic participation or discrimination of women to defeat the notion of disempowerment. It will provide recommendations on how the system can be improved to prioritise the needs of the women and later improve implementation of the women empowerment strategies. A sample of 46 focus group participants were identified and the qualitative research approach was exploited to gain first-hand knowledge of such perceptions. The focus group study found that women empowerment is still a far-fetched dream and cannot be achieved until all barriers are removed. Moreover, the government mechanisms to facilitate economic empowerment of women are not known and does not benefit all women. It has also found out that such mechanisms are not the answer to every woman`s troubles. The study recommends the following: Government should intensify policy implementation and expansion of the programmes to reach those poor women where sometimes information does not come to them. Government should intensify accountability checks especial in the grassroots level where most women are found. Women should be afforded opportunities and support to realise their full potential. Young women should be motivated to inculcate the culture of willingness to learn amongst themselves, by being involved in community projects as volunteers. The culture of “Vukuzenzele” need to be strengthened so that people can move away from the culture of dependency. Women need to be enlightened to be involved in their communities. Communities need to be capacitated on the notion of empowerment against the existing government policies and programmes. In case where policy gap is observed, policy review must be embarked on. The playing field need to level against discrimination by gender and capacitate women to take opportunities in areas that are male dominated. Government agencies need to be visible for communities to know their purpose and roles in making government realise its agenda. Access to finance for women should be prioritised for women to establish or expand their businesses. Lastly, Government need to devise means for people to be at the forefront of their development such that; they make informed choices, identify market opportunities, sustainable products and seek information to generate income through self-employment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Fiscal, deficit, inflation, money supply and exchange rate in South Africa
- Authors: Tala, Lavisa
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: nflation (Finance) -- South Africa Foreign exchange rates -- South Africa , Money supply -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/23261 , vital:30502
- Description: This study empirically investigates the relationship between fiscal deficit, inflation, M3 money supply and the exchange rate in South Africa. The study makes use of quarterly macroeconomic time-series data sets comprising 84 observations, covering the period from 1994Q1 to 2015Q4. The unit root tests conducted employed the Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) and Phillips-Perron (PP) tests. The results reveal that the variables become stationary at first difference. The Johansen co-integration technique suggests that there is at least one co-integrating equation among the variables. The results of the Engle-Granger approach, which is residual based, show that the residuals are stationary, thus validating the existence of a long-run relationship between the model variables. The study carried out a Granger causality test. The results indicate that there is a strong Granger causal relationship between the variables (IF) and (FD). Another strong causal relationship emerges between inflation and money supply. The ECM model was employed to identify the speed of adjustment as a response to the departures from the long-run equilibrium path. The estimated coefficient of the ECM error term has the required sign and is statistically significant at the five per cent level of significance. The error term indicates a quick convergence to equilibrium. The study concludes that the dependent variable (FD) is jointly caused by all the independent variables in the long-run. The results of the variance decomposition of the variable (FD) to innovations resulting from IF, MS and RER indicate that own shocks remain the dominant source of total fluctuations in the forecast error of the variables. The findings of the study are efficient and reliable as the estimated model passed all the major diagnostic tests. By implication the findings suggest that the estimated model show high goodness of fit and is thus reliable for policy making. The study recommends a fiscal adjustment that will enhance economic growth. Additionally, a fiscal policy that will aim at identifying and mitigating other possible leakages that narrow the tax base should be considered.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Tala, Lavisa
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: nflation (Finance) -- South Africa Foreign exchange rates -- South Africa , Money supply -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/23261 , vital:30502
- Description: This study empirically investigates the relationship between fiscal deficit, inflation, M3 money supply and the exchange rate in South Africa. The study makes use of quarterly macroeconomic time-series data sets comprising 84 observations, covering the period from 1994Q1 to 2015Q4. The unit root tests conducted employed the Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) and Phillips-Perron (PP) tests. The results reveal that the variables become stationary at first difference. The Johansen co-integration technique suggests that there is at least one co-integrating equation among the variables. The results of the Engle-Granger approach, which is residual based, show that the residuals are stationary, thus validating the existence of a long-run relationship between the model variables. The study carried out a Granger causality test. The results indicate that there is a strong Granger causal relationship between the variables (IF) and (FD). Another strong causal relationship emerges between inflation and money supply. The ECM model was employed to identify the speed of adjustment as a response to the departures from the long-run equilibrium path. The estimated coefficient of the ECM error term has the required sign and is statistically significant at the five per cent level of significance. The error term indicates a quick convergence to equilibrium. The study concludes that the dependent variable (FD) is jointly caused by all the independent variables in the long-run. The results of the variance decomposition of the variable (FD) to innovations resulting from IF, MS and RER indicate that own shocks remain the dominant source of total fluctuations in the forecast error of the variables. The findings of the study are efficient and reliable as the estimated model passed all the major diagnostic tests. By implication the findings suggest that the estimated model show high goodness of fit and is thus reliable for policy making. The study recommends a fiscal adjustment that will enhance economic growth. Additionally, a fiscal policy that will aim at identifying and mitigating other possible leakages that narrow the tax base should be considered.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
The South African Communist Party and its prospects for achieving socialism in a democratic South Africa
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
An assessment of civil society peace building efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo
- Authors: Tunda, Kitenge
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Peace-building -- Democratic Republic of Congo , Peacekeeping forces -- Developing countries Conflict management -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/35852 , vital:33853
- Description: During the Rwandan genocide, from April to July 1994, more than two million Rwandans, including Hutu extremists who feared retribution, fled to neighbouring countries. The majority of people who took refuge in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC, known until May 1997 as Zaire) were located in North and South Kivu provinces. Tensions grew between DRC and Rwanda governments due to the use of refugee camps in North Kivu as rear bases by Hutu extremists to attack, destabilise and regain control of power in Rwanda (Leeuwen, 2008: 400). In 1996, a group of four political parties [the Council of Resistance for Democracy, the Revolutionary Movement for the Liberation of Congo, the Democratic Alliance of the People and the Party of the Peoples' Revolution] founded the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) to pursue regime change in DRC [First Congo war]. Mobutu’s 32 years of bad governance had transformed DRC into one of the poorest countries in the world despite its abundant wealth in natural resources. A deadly conflict erupted in 1998 [Second Congo war], in which several armed rebel groups supported by neighbouring countries sought to overthrow the regime of President Kabila. In 1999, a cease-fire agreement was signed in Lusaka, Zambia which paved the way for the deployment of UN peacekeeping troops. An inter-Congolese dialogue was convened in 2002 in South Africa. As a result of the dialogue, the war ended [sporadic conflicts continued] and a new transitional government of national unity was formed in June 2003. President Joseph Kabila, who was declared winner of the 2006 presidential elections, promised to restore peace and security in the Kivu provinces. But, after more than 10 years, the root causes of the conflict have not been resolved in South Kivu. The province still faces violence perpetrated by armed rebel groups, human insecurity, human rights violations and economic decline; all these issues have compromised the relative peace that local people have had for a couple of years. The treatise identifies, through a literature and documentary analysis, some local and external Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) which have been advocating, supporting and recommending post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) in South Kivu. The concept of Peacebuilding has been one of the core objectives of dozens of actors in South Kivu. The aim of this treatise is to assess local CSOs’ efforts in building peace in South Kivu. The author has evaluated their capacities in resolving the root causes of conflicts, building capacity of communities through training, delivering humanitarian assistance to vulnerable people, and working towards a sustainable and lasting stability in the province. This treatise’s objectives are aimed at assessing the works and challenges of local non-states actors and stakeholders in peace consolidation. The author has also outlined the programmes implemented by local actors to address the root causes of conflicts; has made recommendations to promote peace and has concluded that a durable stability can be achievable with the support of all peace stakeholders in Eastern DRC.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Tunda, Kitenge
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Peace-building -- Democratic Republic of Congo , Peacekeeping forces -- Developing countries Conflict management -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/35852 , vital:33853
- Description: During the Rwandan genocide, from April to July 1994, more than two million Rwandans, including Hutu extremists who feared retribution, fled to neighbouring countries. The majority of people who took refuge in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC, known until May 1997 as Zaire) were located in North and South Kivu provinces. Tensions grew between DRC and Rwanda governments due to the use of refugee camps in North Kivu as rear bases by Hutu extremists to attack, destabilise and regain control of power in Rwanda (Leeuwen, 2008: 400). In 1996, a group of four political parties [the Council of Resistance for Democracy, the Revolutionary Movement for the Liberation of Congo, the Democratic Alliance of the People and the Party of the Peoples' Revolution] founded the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) to pursue regime change in DRC [First Congo war]. Mobutu’s 32 years of bad governance had transformed DRC into one of the poorest countries in the world despite its abundant wealth in natural resources. A deadly conflict erupted in 1998 [Second Congo war], in which several armed rebel groups supported by neighbouring countries sought to overthrow the regime of President Kabila. In 1999, a cease-fire agreement was signed in Lusaka, Zambia which paved the way for the deployment of UN peacekeeping troops. An inter-Congolese dialogue was convened in 2002 in South Africa. As a result of the dialogue, the war ended [sporadic conflicts continued] and a new transitional government of national unity was formed in June 2003. President Joseph Kabila, who was declared winner of the 2006 presidential elections, promised to restore peace and security in the Kivu provinces. But, after more than 10 years, the root causes of the conflict have not been resolved in South Kivu. The province still faces violence perpetrated by armed rebel groups, human insecurity, human rights violations and economic decline; all these issues have compromised the relative peace that local people have had for a couple of years. The treatise identifies, through a literature and documentary analysis, some local and external Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) which have been advocating, supporting and recommending post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) in South Kivu. The concept of Peacebuilding has been one of the core objectives of dozens of actors in South Kivu. The aim of this treatise is to assess local CSOs’ efforts in building peace in South Kivu. The author has evaluated their capacities in resolving the root causes of conflicts, building capacity of communities through training, delivering humanitarian assistance to vulnerable people, and working towards a sustainable and lasting stability in the province. This treatise’s objectives are aimed at assessing the works and challenges of local non-states actors and stakeholders in peace consolidation. The author has also outlined the programmes implemented by local actors to address the root causes of conflicts; has made recommendations to promote peace and has concluded that a durable stability can be achievable with the support of all peace stakeholders in Eastern DRC.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Boundary demarcation and community identity concerns: an investigation of the Matatiele boundary dispute
- Authors: Tyabazayo, Phumlani
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Identity politics -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Matatiele (South Africa) -- Boundaries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8357 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021019
- Description: This treatise explores the Matatiele boundary demarcation dispute and, in particular, the role that unmet basic human needs play in this dispute. The subject of identity is also explored. In 2006, the government of South Africa decided that Matatiele should no longer be part of the province of Kwa-Zulu Natal (KZN) and instead should be incorporated into the province of the Eastern Cape. This decision divided the community of Matatiele into two groups; one was pro-KZN and the other, pro-Eastern Cape. In 2008, violence broke out between these two groups. The government’s decision and the resulting violence have created a situation of protracted conflict in the community of Matatiele with rivalries and antagonism being part of the fabric of the society. This treatise attempts to analyse this conflict and link it to the theory of basic human needs as advocated by conflict theorists such as John Burton and Johan Gultang. Human needs theorists hold the view that unmet psychological and physical needs are sources of social conflict and can lead to protracted conflict. This treatise also explores the efficacy of problem-solving workshops and referendums as conflict-resolution techniques for boundary demarcation disputes. The data were collected from unstructured, in-depth interviews with a sample of eleven respondents. The data indicate that there is a nexus between this conflict and the theory of basic human needs and that community-identity concerns are central to this dispute. The findings of this study suggest that the conflict is multi-faceted and that the underlying causes can be attributed to unmet human needs. The data was analysed using the grounded theory approach. This allowed the key causes of the conflict to be identified and subsequently informed the recommendations presented in the conclusion of this treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Tyabazayo, Phumlani
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Identity politics -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Matatiele (South Africa) -- Boundaries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8357 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021019
- Description: This treatise explores the Matatiele boundary demarcation dispute and, in particular, the role that unmet basic human needs play in this dispute. The subject of identity is also explored. In 2006, the government of South Africa decided that Matatiele should no longer be part of the province of Kwa-Zulu Natal (KZN) and instead should be incorporated into the province of the Eastern Cape. This decision divided the community of Matatiele into two groups; one was pro-KZN and the other, pro-Eastern Cape. In 2008, violence broke out between these two groups. The government’s decision and the resulting violence have created a situation of protracted conflict in the community of Matatiele with rivalries and antagonism being part of the fabric of the society. This treatise attempts to analyse this conflict and link it to the theory of basic human needs as advocated by conflict theorists such as John Burton and Johan Gultang. Human needs theorists hold the view that unmet psychological and physical needs are sources of social conflict and can lead to protracted conflict. This treatise also explores the efficacy of problem-solving workshops and referendums as conflict-resolution techniques for boundary demarcation disputes. The data were collected from unstructured, in-depth interviews with a sample of eleven respondents. The data indicate that there is a nexus between this conflict and the theory of basic human needs and that community-identity concerns are central to this dispute. The findings of this study suggest that the conflict is multi-faceted and that the underlying causes can be attributed to unmet human needs. The data was analysed using the grounded theory approach. This allowed the key causes of the conflict to be identified and subsequently informed the recommendations presented in the conclusion of this treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Teachers' perceptions of the implementation of the arts and culture learning area in the senior phase
- Authors: Van Blerk, Susan
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Competency-based education , Arts -- Study and teaching (Secondary) , Culture -- Study and teaching (Secondary)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:9546 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/627 , Competency-based education , Arts -- Study and teaching (Secondary) , Culture -- Study and teaching (Secondary)
- Description: Teachers are the primary implementers of a curriculum as they need to bring the curriculum to life in the classroom. In order to optimize the success of the implementation of a specific curriculum, it is necessary to monitor the experiences of the educator in the classroom and in drawing conclusions from the data gained, make recommendations for the continued improvement of implementation. As mentioned earlier, Fullan’s reference (1991:117) to the significant effect of teachers thoughts on the implementation gave rise to the central research question, namely to determine teachers’ perceptions about the implementation of the Arts and Culture learning area at a particular school ‘Perceptions’ however, is a subjective concept and thus any form of quantitative research would appear to be inappropriate. Based on the above it was decided to approach this investigation qualitatively and so this project was done within the qualitative paradigm.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Van Blerk, Susan
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Competency-based education , Arts -- Study and teaching (Secondary) , Culture -- Study and teaching (Secondary)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:9546 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/627 , Competency-based education , Arts -- Study and teaching (Secondary) , Culture -- Study and teaching (Secondary)
- Description: Teachers are the primary implementers of a curriculum as they need to bring the curriculum to life in the classroom. In order to optimize the success of the implementation of a specific curriculum, it is necessary to monitor the experiences of the educator in the classroom and in drawing conclusions from the data gained, make recommendations for the continued improvement of implementation. As mentioned earlier, Fullan’s reference (1991:117) to the significant effect of teachers thoughts on the implementation gave rise to the central research question, namely to determine teachers’ perceptions about the implementation of the Arts and Culture learning area at a particular school ‘Perceptions’ however, is a subjective concept and thus any form of quantitative research would appear to be inappropriate. Based on the above it was decided to approach this investigation qualitatively and so this project was done within the qualitative paradigm.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Funding and governance of cooperatives: a case study of Magwa and Majola tea estates in the Eastern Cape Province
- Authors: Velani, Chuma
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Cooperative societies -- Finance -- Law and legislation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Sustainable development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14411 , vital:27585
- Description: The purpose of this research study is to assess the funding and governance models utilised in the operations of cooperatives, with specific reference to Magwa and Majola Tea Estates in the Eastern Cape. Luyt (2008) observes that poverty levels in South Africa remain high, and have not been greatly reduced since 1994. There is general agreement amongst Eastern Cape communities that more than two decades after apartheid has ended, nearly half of South Africa’s population continue to live in poverty. A common understanding, is that cooperatives are geared and established to address poverty, address both social and economic development, even though they also emphasise a social focus, they are expected to be operated on sound business principles.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Velani, Chuma
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Cooperative societies -- Finance -- Law and legislation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Sustainable development -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14411 , vital:27585
- Description: The purpose of this research study is to assess the funding and governance models utilised in the operations of cooperatives, with specific reference to Magwa and Majola Tea Estates in the Eastern Cape. Luyt (2008) observes that poverty levels in South Africa remain high, and have not been greatly reduced since 1994. There is general agreement amongst Eastern Cape communities that more than two decades after apartheid has ended, nearly half of South Africa’s population continue to live in poverty. A common understanding, is that cooperatives are geared and established to address poverty, address both social and economic development, even though they also emphasise a social focus, they are expected to be operated on sound business principles.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
South African school teachers' perceptions of sustainable tourism
- Authors: Vosloo, Penelope Leigh
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Sustainable tourism -- South Africa Tourism -- South Africa Leisure industry -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/13215 , vital:27162
- Description: Although much research has been conducted on sustainable tourism and the education thereof internationally, a limited number of studies have focussed on education of sustainable tourism in South African secondary schools. A literature overview identified various approaches to the education of sustainability on the international front. Despite South Africa’s reliance on the tourism industry, the concept of sustainability has received little focus in classrooms where this pertinent issue should be receiving attention in order to ensure that future sustainability is ensured in the South African tourism industry. From the literature overview it was possible to identify topics pertaining to sustainability in the Tourism Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement implemented in the Further Education and Training Phase (FET) in South African secondary schools. These assisted in the development of the research tool for this study. The New Ecological Paradigm (NEP), an instrument used to establish the level of environmental concerns of groups of people, also provided guidance in the development of the research tool. The primary objective of this study is to investigate the perceptions of Tourism educators in secondary schools towards sustainability. A framework to investigate this was developed and three hypotheses formulated. To give effect to this, an empirical investigation was conducted. Tourism educators who were successful in their application to mark 2014 National Senior Certificate Tourism examinations were included in the sample of this study. The result of the descriptive statistics performed on the data showed that the level of education of the respondents was the main contributing demographic that impacted on their perceptions of sustainable tourism. It is, however, of concern to note that a very low percentage of the respondents (6.2%) have received formal training in Tourism. This situation should be cause for concern for Tourism education in the Eastern Cape. Two of the three hypotheses were accepted. The researcher believes that specialised subject relevant training is required to empower educators to teach sustainable tourism in the South African secondary school classrooms in order to ensure future sustainability in the tourism industry of South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Vosloo, Penelope Leigh
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Sustainable tourism -- South Africa Tourism -- South Africa Leisure industry -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/13215 , vital:27162
- Description: Although much research has been conducted on sustainable tourism and the education thereof internationally, a limited number of studies have focussed on education of sustainable tourism in South African secondary schools. A literature overview identified various approaches to the education of sustainability on the international front. Despite South Africa’s reliance on the tourism industry, the concept of sustainability has received little focus in classrooms where this pertinent issue should be receiving attention in order to ensure that future sustainability is ensured in the South African tourism industry. From the literature overview it was possible to identify topics pertaining to sustainability in the Tourism Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement implemented in the Further Education and Training Phase (FET) in South African secondary schools. These assisted in the development of the research tool for this study. The New Ecological Paradigm (NEP), an instrument used to establish the level of environmental concerns of groups of people, also provided guidance in the development of the research tool. The primary objective of this study is to investigate the perceptions of Tourism educators in secondary schools towards sustainability. A framework to investigate this was developed and three hypotheses formulated. To give effect to this, an empirical investigation was conducted. Tourism educators who were successful in their application to mark 2014 National Senior Certificate Tourism examinations were included in the sample of this study. The result of the descriptive statistics performed on the data showed that the level of education of the respondents was the main contributing demographic that impacted on their perceptions of sustainable tourism. It is, however, of concern to note that a very low percentage of the respondents (6.2%) have received formal training in Tourism. This situation should be cause for concern for Tourism education in the Eastern Cape. Two of the three hypotheses were accepted. The researcher believes that specialised subject relevant training is required to empower educators to teach sustainable tourism in the South African secondary school classrooms in order to ensure future sustainability in the tourism industry of South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
An analysis of the 2007 general elections in Kenya: a political leadership perspective
- Authors: Wanjiru, Stephanie M
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8170 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1082 , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Description: On 27 December, 2007, Kenyan citizens took to the polls for the fourth time since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1992. The sentiment was that democracy was finally coming of age in this East African country. For many, these elections represented a turn in the country’s democratic process that would bring change in the areas of justice, food, shelter, education and employment to all – as these were the main campaign promises. Instead, at the conclusion of the voting and at the beginning of the tallying process, the electorate erupted violently at the suspicion and eventual reporting of the process being rigged. One of the main subjects discussed in this study includes the argument that Kenya is ailing from a lack of responsible political leadership. The breed of Kenyan politicians that have been experienced in the country since it gained its independence from British colonialists in 1963, have plundered its resources – material and human – to the brink of war. It is no longer a valid argument that Africa, just because of a history of governments looting and plundering the vast resources that belong to the world’s poorest of the poor, in particular Kenya produces bad leaders. The second topic of discussion in this study questions the role of ethnic mobilisation during the elections. It is well documented by authors such as Cowen and Kanyinga (in Cowen and Laakso (eds.) 2002: 128-171) that ethnicity in Kenya, under the machinations of irresponsible political leaders, has in the past played a critical part in rallying one political party against another. The 2007 General Election was no different. The contested presidential election results were announced on 30 December, 2007, declaring another term of office for the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki. Since that announcement, thousands of people were reported dead while hundreds of thousands were considered displaced. The chaos was followed by a long mediation process kicked off with the AU chairman, John Kufuor, president of Ghana, hosting a number of talks between the two parties. However, this did not bear much fruit as the two conflicting parties could not agree on the main issue of the creation of a position of Prime Minister for Raila Odinga to 7 fill. This was then followed by a more successful mediation process hosted by the Elders1 including former United Nations (UN) secretary general, Kofi Annan, Graça Maçhel and Benjamin Mkapa, as indicated by The Daily Nation newspapers throughout the month of January 2008. It is with this background that the study will now turn to the discussion about the context of the research, its objectives, rationale, motivation and the research design
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Wanjiru, Stephanie M
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8170 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1082 , Elections -- Kenya , Kenya -- Politics and government
- Description: On 27 December, 2007, Kenyan citizens took to the polls for the fourth time since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1992. The sentiment was that democracy was finally coming of age in this East African country. For many, these elections represented a turn in the country’s democratic process that would bring change in the areas of justice, food, shelter, education and employment to all – as these were the main campaign promises. Instead, at the conclusion of the voting and at the beginning of the tallying process, the electorate erupted violently at the suspicion and eventual reporting of the process being rigged. One of the main subjects discussed in this study includes the argument that Kenya is ailing from a lack of responsible political leadership. The breed of Kenyan politicians that have been experienced in the country since it gained its independence from British colonialists in 1963, have plundered its resources – material and human – to the brink of war. It is no longer a valid argument that Africa, just because of a history of governments looting and plundering the vast resources that belong to the world’s poorest of the poor, in particular Kenya produces bad leaders. The second topic of discussion in this study questions the role of ethnic mobilisation during the elections. It is well documented by authors such as Cowen and Kanyinga (in Cowen and Laakso (eds.) 2002: 128-171) that ethnicity in Kenya, under the machinations of irresponsible political leaders, has in the past played a critical part in rallying one political party against another. The 2007 General Election was no different. The contested presidential election results were announced on 30 December, 2007, declaring another term of office for the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki. Since that announcement, thousands of people were reported dead while hundreds of thousands were considered displaced. The chaos was followed by a long mediation process kicked off with the AU chairman, John Kufuor, president of Ghana, hosting a number of talks between the two parties. However, this did not bear much fruit as the two conflicting parties could not agree on the main issue of the creation of a position of Prime Minister for Raila Odinga to 7 fill. This was then followed by a more successful mediation process hosted by the Elders1 including former United Nations (UN) secretary general, Kofi Annan, Graça Maçhel and Benjamin Mkapa, as indicated by The Daily Nation newspapers throughout the month of January 2008. It is with this background that the study will now turn to the discussion about the context of the research, its objectives, rationale, motivation and the research design
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Exploring workplace conflict, case study of a day care centre, Nyanga, Western Cape: a conflict management perspective
- Authors: Williams, Annuschka, Angela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Cape Town , Mediation and conciliation, Industrial Interpersonal conflict Organizational behavior Teams in the workplace
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/44412 , vital:37166
- Description: This study sought to explore a workplace conflict case study through a conflict management framework in an effort to offer recommendations to the organisation. The study was located in a day care centre, which has been in existence for over 15 years and which provides a number of health and social support services, and capacity-building opportunities for children, women and youth. The study presents a literature review and theoretical framework on conflict, workplace conflict and work conflict management as a backdrop for the empirical investigation. The study employed a qualitative research design and methodology. The study found that the conflict in the organisation has multiple bases, of which communication, structure and values are the major contributors. The conflict is both affective and substantive in nature. The essential divining force is the perceived and felt change in the organisational value and orientation which links to the historic versus the emerging developmental approach driving the organisational programmes.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Williams, Annuschka, Angela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Cape Town , Mediation and conciliation, Industrial Interpersonal conflict Organizational behavior Teams in the workplace
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/44412 , vital:37166
- Description: This study sought to explore a workplace conflict case study through a conflict management framework in an effort to offer recommendations to the organisation. The study was located in a day care centre, which has been in existence for over 15 years and which provides a number of health and social support services, and capacity-building opportunities for children, women and youth. The study presents a literature review and theoretical framework on conflict, workplace conflict and work conflict management as a backdrop for the empirical investigation. The study employed a qualitative research design and methodology. The study found that the conflict in the organisation has multiple bases, of which communication, structure and values are the major contributors. The conflict is both affective and substantive in nature. The essential divining force is the perceived and felt change in the organisational value and orientation which links to the historic versus the emerging developmental approach driving the organisational programmes.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
Monetary policy and microfinance in Sub-Sahara Africa: Ghana’s perspective
- Authors: Wiredu, Nana Kwame
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Monetary policy -- Ghana , Microfinance -- Ghana Ghana -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/36037 , vital:33884
- Description: Ghana, like many other developing countries in Sub-Sahara Africa, recognises the important role that the micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) play in economic development. These enterprises need an environment conducive to thriving and growth, to contribute to employment and overall output. A key pillar to this is access to affordable credit. Credit in itself is thought to be affected by monetary policy formulated and put forth by the central bank, on behalf of government. The pass-through effect of monetary policy on commercial banking rates, as charged by bank and non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs), is a concern for MSMEs. Therefore, this study sought to highlight cause and effects relationship between monetary policy, the lending rate and private sector credit, and also sought to find a possible cushion for MSMEs through the microfinance targeting approach. Annual aggregate monetary time series data from the Bank of Ghana (BoG) was analysed. Multiple linear regression and analysis of variance test results reveal evidence of a significant and proportional effect of both the monetary policy rate and commercial banking rate on credit to the private sector. The key implication of the findings is that the pass-through effect of monetary policy negatively affects MSMEs. The study recommends that governments in Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA), and particularly the government of Ghana, should take into consideration the effects of monetary policy on MSMEs, when formulating monetary policies. It is also recommended that governments in SSA should formulate policies that enhance MSMEs access to adequate and affordable credit to enable it contribute more to economic growth. Perhaps, this can be done through microfinance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Wiredu, Nana Kwame
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Monetary policy -- Ghana , Microfinance -- Ghana Ghana -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/36037 , vital:33884
- Description: Ghana, like many other developing countries in Sub-Sahara Africa, recognises the important role that the micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) play in economic development. These enterprises need an environment conducive to thriving and growth, to contribute to employment and overall output. A key pillar to this is access to affordable credit. Credit in itself is thought to be affected by monetary policy formulated and put forth by the central bank, on behalf of government. The pass-through effect of monetary policy on commercial banking rates, as charged by bank and non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs), is a concern for MSMEs. Therefore, this study sought to highlight cause and effects relationship between monetary policy, the lending rate and private sector credit, and also sought to find a possible cushion for MSMEs through the microfinance targeting approach. Annual aggregate monetary time series data from the Bank of Ghana (BoG) was analysed. Multiple linear regression and analysis of variance test results reveal evidence of a significant and proportional effect of both the monetary policy rate and commercial banking rate on credit to the private sector. The key implication of the findings is that the pass-through effect of monetary policy negatively affects MSMEs. The study recommends that governments in Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA), and particularly the government of Ghana, should take into consideration the effects of monetary policy on MSMEs, when formulating monetary policies. It is also recommended that governments in SSA should formulate policies that enhance MSMEs access to adequate and affordable credit to enable it contribute more to economic growth. Perhaps, this can be done through microfinance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
An investigation of the South African land reform process from a conflict resolution perspective
- Authors: Wächter, Felix
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8166 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1272 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Description: This research study aims to investigate the South African Land Reform process from a conflict resolution perspective. According to Burton’s basic human needs theory deep-rooted social conflict will occur wherever social institutions neglect universal basic human needs. Excess to land and land tenure are considered basic human needs because they provide landowners with food, shelter and security. In absence of an extensive welfare state, land ownership fulfils the role of a social safety network, particularly in African countries. Consequently, an equal distribution of land is needed in order to enable the majority of South Africans to fulfil their basic human needs. The instrument chosen for correcting the inequalities in land distribution are the three components of the South African land reform programme namely tenure reform, restitution and redistribution. The South African Land Reform Programme was largely influenced by the World Bank’s ‘Willing-Seller Willing- Buyer’ or ‘Negotiated Land Reform Approach’. Nevertheless, the South African model differs from the original concept by the World Bank in some aspects. The outcome of the Land Reform Process is analysed and evaluated by the on-going evaluation approach. All sources used in this research are open to the public and published either on official websites or in hard cover version in reports and articles. The results of this investigation indicate that the target of redistributing 30% of white-owned agricultural land by the year 2014 is not going to be accomplished. Nevertheless, the settlement of claims can be considered a success story although most of the claims were settled by means of cash compensation instead of actual land transfer. Furthermore, a change in the land acquisition policy from a demand-led approach based on the negotiated land reform principle towards a more static, state-led, top-down approach has been identified as well as shortcomings in the post-settlement support of new landowners. To put it briefly, the land reform process in toto is about to fail and a chance of reducing the enormous conflict potential given away. Furthermore, the conflict potential will increase due to the failures in providing the poor and rural masses with access to land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Wächter, Felix
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8166 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1272 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Dispute resolution (Law) -- South Africa
- Description: This research study aims to investigate the South African Land Reform process from a conflict resolution perspective. According to Burton’s basic human needs theory deep-rooted social conflict will occur wherever social institutions neglect universal basic human needs. Excess to land and land tenure are considered basic human needs because they provide landowners with food, shelter and security. In absence of an extensive welfare state, land ownership fulfils the role of a social safety network, particularly in African countries. Consequently, an equal distribution of land is needed in order to enable the majority of South Africans to fulfil their basic human needs. The instrument chosen for correcting the inequalities in land distribution are the three components of the South African land reform programme namely tenure reform, restitution and redistribution. The South African Land Reform Programme was largely influenced by the World Bank’s ‘Willing-Seller Willing- Buyer’ or ‘Negotiated Land Reform Approach’. Nevertheless, the South African model differs from the original concept by the World Bank in some aspects. The outcome of the Land Reform Process is analysed and evaluated by the on-going evaluation approach. All sources used in this research are open to the public and published either on official websites or in hard cover version in reports and articles. The results of this investigation indicate that the target of redistributing 30% of white-owned agricultural land by the year 2014 is not going to be accomplished. Nevertheless, the settlement of claims can be considered a success story although most of the claims were settled by means of cash compensation instead of actual land transfer. Furthermore, a change in the land acquisition policy from a demand-led approach based on the negotiated land reform principle towards a more static, state-led, top-down approach has been identified as well as shortcomings in the post-settlement support of new landowners. To put it briefly, the land reform process in toto is about to fail and a chance of reducing the enormous conflict potential given away. Furthermore, the conflict potential will increase due to the failures in providing the poor and rural masses with access to land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
The role of municipal public accounts committee in the financial management of Intsika Yethu local municipality
- Authors: Xego Nomonde
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8183 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1007958 , Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Description: In an attempt to address the challenges of audit queries in a sustainable way and improve service delivery. Municipality should deal with causes of disclaimer and adverse opinion which are reflected on their audit report. This study focuses on the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Challenges facing the Municipal Public Accounts Committee include lack of capacity, lack of co-operation from municipal departments and lack of knowledge and skill in municipal management. This study investigated the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Particular attention was paid to the various roles played by the Municipal Public Accounts Committee making a contribution towards improving municipal financial management.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Xego Nomonde
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8183 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1007958 , Municipal finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape , Public finance--South Africa--Eastern Cape
- Description: In an attempt to address the challenges of audit queries in a sustainable way and improve service delivery. Municipality should deal with causes of disclaimer and adverse opinion which are reflected on their audit report. This study focuses on the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Challenges facing the Municipal Public Accounts Committee include lack of capacity, lack of co-operation from municipal departments and lack of knowledge and skill in municipal management. This study investigated the role of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee in the financial management of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. Particular attention was paid to the various roles played by the Municipal Public Accounts Committee making a contribution towards improving municipal financial management.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Coega industrial development zone as a catalyst for development in NMBM
- Authors: Younouss, Sanda Oumarou
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Industrial development projects -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Industrial development projects -- South Africa Economic development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/36162 , vital:33901
- Description: It is common for countries to adopt growth-targeted strategies to address poverty and as a result, achieve development. South Africa is not an exception and that is the reason for implementing the industrial development zone (IDZ) programme, intended to achieve growth through exports. As part of this programme, the country established five IDZs, each of which operates in specific investment sectors. The economy of the Eastern Cape is experiencing difficulties in terms of unemployment, low wages and a declining population and the migration out of the Eastern Cape is due to limited job opportunities and low wages. The four largest economic sectors in the province are manufacturing, construction, agriculture and mining. The Coega IDZ (CIDZ) is located in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa and operates in six investment sectors, namely automotive, agro-processing and aqua farming, chemical manufacturing, business process outsourcing, energy and metals. This research investigated the contribution of the CIDZ as a tool for development in the Eastern Cape and South Africa. It further investigates its contribution to the development of the Eastern Cape in the event of its expansion across three additional investment sectors, namely electronics, clothing and furniture. With the aim of conducting a proper assessment of their contribution, the strengths and weaknesses of these three investment sectors were elucidated. Additionally, the research described the operation of four special economic zones (SEZs), namely the Zarqa Free Zone, the Jebel Ali Free Zone, the East London Industrial Development Zone (ELIDZ) and the Coega Industrial Development Zone (CIDZ). The research methodology used was that of a descriptive study (literature-based). The research revealed that there is a need to add these three investment sectors to the CIDZ in order to develop the Eastern Cape, as they have the potential to meet the challenges that the province is facing. The research led to a number of recommendations inspired by the SEZs presented in the descriptive study, to improve the contribution of the CIDZ to the development of the Eastern Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Younouss, Sanda Oumarou
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Industrial development projects -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Industrial development projects -- South Africa Economic development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/36162 , vital:33901
- Description: It is common for countries to adopt growth-targeted strategies to address poverty and as a result, achieve development. South Africa is not an exception and that is the reason for implementing the industrial development zone (IDZ) programme, intended to achieve growth through exports. As part of this programme, the country established five IDZs, each of which operates in specific investment sectors. The economy of the Eastern Cape is experiencing difficulties in terms of unemployment, low wages and a declining population and the migration out of the Eastern Cape is due to limited job opportunities and low wages. The four largest economic sectors in the province are manufacturing, construction, agriculture and mining. The Coega IDZ (CIDZ) is located in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa and operates in six investment sectors, namely automotive, agro-processing and aqua farming, chemical manufacturing, business process outsourcing, energy and metals. This research investigated the contribution of the CIDZ as a tool for development in the Eastern Cape and South Africa. It further investigates its contribution to the development of the Eastern Cape in the event of its expansion across three additional investment sectors, namely electronics, clothing and furniture. With the aim of conducting a proper assessment of their contribution, the strengths and weaknesses of these three investment sectors were elucidated. Additionally, the research described the operation of four special economic zones (SEZs), namely the Zarqa Free Zone, the Jebel Ali Free Zone, the East London Industrial Development Zone (ELIDZ) and the Coega Industrial Development Zone (CIDZ). The research methodology used was that of a descriptive study (literature-based). The research revealed that there is a need to add these three investment sectors to the CIDZ in order to develop the Eastern Cape, as they have the potential to meet the challenges that the province is facing. The research led to a number of recommendations inspired by the SEZs presented in the descriptive study, to improve the contribution of the CIDZ to the development of the Eastern Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018