Colonial policies and the failure of Somali secessionism in the Northern frontier district of Kenya colony, c.1890-1968
- Authors: Abdullahi, Abdirashid
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2532 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002384 , Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Description: This thesis examines the events that took plac,e. in the Northern Frontier District I North Eastern Province of Kenya hetween the late nineteenth century and 1968. After 1900 the imposition of colonial policies impacted on the socio-economic and political structures of the Somali people. This thesis also examines the nature of Somali resistance l\P- to the late 1920s when Somali society was finally pacified. It further examines colonial policies such as the creation of the Somali-Galla line in 1919, the separation of the J uhaland region from the Kenya Colony in 1926 and the Special District Ordinance of 1934. Between 1946 and 1948 the British Government through its Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, attempted to unify Somali territories in the Horn of Africa and this raised Somali hopes of uni fication. The Bevin Plan collapsed because of the opposition of the United States, the Soviet Union, the French and Ethiopian leaders. Similar hopes of NFD Somali unification were raised hetween 1958 and 1963 because of the unification of the former British Somali land and Italian Somaliland. Due to the imminent end of British colonial rule in Kenya, the NFD Somali leaders demanded secession from Kenya to join up with the nascent Somali republic. But the NFDSomali hopes of unification with the Somali Repuhlic were dashed by 1964 because of the same opposition provided by the United States, the French and the Ethiopians. The British Government were all along half-hearted towards Somali unification attempts even though the field administrators adopted a pro-Somali attitude to the issue. In the early 1960s, however, the NFD Somali leaders were faced with the additional opposition of the new KANU government in Kenya. In 1964 the failure of the NFD Somalis to secede from Kenya led to the guerrilla war, what the Kenyan government called the 'shifta movement', that engulfed the North Eastern Region until 1968 when the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Kenyan and the Somali Governments. The signing of the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding by the Kenyan and Somali Governments did not satisfy· the NFD Somalis hopes of joining the Somali Republic. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the N FD Somalis, except for few collahorators, did at no time, whether in the colonial or post-colonial eras, accept heing in Kenya. By the late 1960s the prospects of NFD Somalis unifying with the Somali Republic were, in view of the forces arrayed against the Somali secessionist movement, slim; and they have remained slim since then.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Abdullahi, Abdirashid
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2532 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002384 , Somalis -- Kenya -- History , Kenya -- History -- 1963- , Kenya -- Politics and government , Decolonization -- Kenya -- History -- 20th century , Kenya -- History -- To 1963
- Description: This thesis examines the events that took plac,e. in the Northern Frontier District I North Eastern Province of Kenya hetween the late nineteenth century and 1968. After 1900 the imposition of colonial policies impacted on the socio-economic and political structures of the Somali people. This thesis also examines the nature of Somali resistance l\P- to the late 1920s when Somali society was finally pacified. It further examines colonial policies such as the creation of the Somali-Galla line in 1919, the separation of the J uhaland region from the Kenya Colony in 1926 and the Special District Ordinance of 1934. Between 1946 and 1948 the British Government through its Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, attempted to unify Somali territories in the Horn of Africa and this raised Somali hopes of uni fication. The Bevin Plan collapsed because of the opposition of the United States, the Soviet Union, the French and Ethiopian leaders. Similar hopes of NFD Somali unification were raised hetween 1958 and 1963 because of the unification of the former British Somali land and Italian Somaliland. Due to the imminent end of British colonial rule in Kenya, the NFD Somali leaders demanded secession from Kenya to join up with the nascent Somali republic. But the NFDSomali hopes of unification with the Somali Repuhlic were dashed by 1964 because of the same opposition provided by the United States, the French and the Ethiopians. The British Government were all along half-hearted towards Somali unification attempts even though the field administrators adopted a pro-Somali attitude to the issue. In the early 1960s, however, the NFD Somali leaders were faced with the additional opposition of the new KANU government in Kenya. In 1964 the failure of the NFD Somalis to secede from Kenya led to the guerrilla war, what the Kenyan government called the 'shifta movement', that engulfed the North Eastern Region until 1968 when the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Kenyan and the Somali Governments. The signing of the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding by the Kenyan and Somali Governments did not satisfy· the NFD Somalis hopes of joining the Somali Republic. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the N FD Somalis, except for few collahorators, did at no time, whether in the colonial or post-colonial eras, accept heing in Kenya. By the late 1960s the prospects of NFD Somalis unifying with the Somali Republic were, in view of the forces arrayed against the Somali secessionist movement, slim; and they have remained slim since then.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Effectiveness in monitoring and evaluation (M&E) for reforms at programme level with some emphasis on involvement of stakeholders
- Authors: Ondego, Rinah Talu
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Kenyan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:9059 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1403 , Kenya -- Politics and government , Kenyan -- Economic conditions
- Description: Kenya's Vision 2030 is a long-term development strategy for the country. The ultimate goal and mandate for all pillars of governance to adhere too. The bible for every man, woman and child, who call this nation its home. The aim of is to create "A globally competitive and prosperous country with a high quality of life by the year 2030, transforming Kenya into a newly-industrializing middle-income country, providing a high quality of life to all its citizens in all its citizens in a clean and secure environment" (Kenya Vision 2030) Implementation of the vision will be through medium-term plans of five year cycles. The vehicle the Government has chosen is Results Based Management. Results-Based Management (RBM) was introduced in Kenya in 2003 by the NARC Government. Several initiatives have been undertaken to institutionalize RBM in all MDAs. Due to this, there is a tremendous paradigm shift from processes to results. However, the systems in place have not only no clear guidelines of engaging stakeholders but also M&E systems in place measure only the outcomes and not how these outcomes were achieved. Thus making reporting ‘Results for Kenyans’ a tedious exercise. This study examined the impact of stakeholder engagement and the effectiveness of monitoring and evaluating in the achievement of Vision 2030. The study was conducted at the Public Service Transformation Department (PSTD). Stratified sampling was used to draw a sample of 30 government officers, and four key informants based on their departments and accountabilities. Both quantitative and qualitative data was collected using structured questionnaires, interview guides and direct observation. Quantitative data was then analyzed using SPSS and presented by way of frequency distribution tables, percentages, graphs, and models. Qualitative data was collated and presented in narrative form. The study found out there is similarities in both M&E and Stakeholder Engagement in there are systems in place. Both have established systems at the National level, (NIMES) for M&E and Public Private Partnerships there was none at the institutional level. Many of indicators for M&E are set at the top and imposed on the operational staff. Key informant interviews revealed that the existing system was not sustainable and would be an ideal point for entry of distortion and strategy dysfunction. Stakeholder Engagement has no policy or legislative framework to work from thus making the exercise look like a publicity stunt whenever Government seeks a consultative process especially when it comes to the ordinary "Mwananchi" (Swahili word for citizens/people). The study has established an urgent need to develop an institutional M&E system for tracking, measuring, evaluating and reporting the progress of results for Kenyans, a framework and policy to be created to encompass all manner of stakeholder engagement not only engagement with the private sector. This would make it easier on both the Institution that houses reform (PSTD) and the Central Government not only to gage how far or how near the country is attaining its ultimate goal of Vision 2030 but also reporting back and engagement with its stakeholders will be much easier, less tedious it would became "business as usual" thus creating accountability and transparency resulting in winning the war on Corruption.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Ondego, Rinah Talu
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Kenyan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:9059 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1403 , Kenya -- Politics and government , Kenyan -- Economic conditions
- Description: Kenya's Vision 2030 is a long-term development strategy for the country. The ultimate goal and mandate for all pillars of governance to adhere too. The bible for every man, woman and child, who call this nation its home. The aim of is to create "A globally competitive and prosperous country with a high quality of life by the year 2030, transforming Kenya into a newly-industrializing middle-income country, providing a high quality of life to all its citizens in all its citizens in a clean and secure environment" (Kenya Vision 2030) Implementation of the vision will be through medium-term plans of five year cycles. The vehicle the Government has chosen is Results Based Management. Results-Based Management (RBM) was introduced in Kenya in 2003 by the NARC Government. Several initiatives have been undertaken to institutionalize RBM in all MDAs. Due to this, there is a tremendous paradigm shift from processes to results. However, the systems in place have not only no clear guidelines of engaging stakeholders but also M&E systems in place measure only the outcomes and not how these outcomes were achieved. Thus making reporting ‘Results for Kenyans’ a tedious exercise. This study examined the impact of stakeholder engagement and the effectiveness of monitoring and evaluating in the achievement of Vision 2030. The study was conducted at the Public Service Transformation Department (PSTD). Stratified sampling was used to draw a sample of 30 government officers, and four key informants based on their departments and accountabilities. Both quantitative and qualitative data was collected using structured questionnaires, interview guides and direct observation. Quantitative data was then analyzed using SPSS and presented by way of frequency distribution tables, percentages, graphs, and models. Qualitative data was collated and presented in narrative form. The study found out there is similarities in both M&E and Stakeholder Engagement in there are systems in place. Both have established systems at the National level, (NIMES) for M&E and Public Private Partnerships there was none at the institutional level. Many of indicators for M&E are set at the top and imposed on the operational staff. Key informant interviews revealed that the existing system was not sustainable and would be an ideal point for entry of distortion and strategy dysfunction. Stakeholder Engagement has no policy or legislative framework to work from thus making the exercise look like a publicity stunt whenever Government seeks a consultative process especially when it comes to the ordinary "Mwananchi" (Swahili word for citizens/people). The study has established an urgent need to develop an institutional M&E system for tracking, measuring, evaluating and reporting the progress of results for Kenyans, a framework and policy to be created to encompass all manner of stakeholder engagement not only engagement with the private sector. This would make it easier on both the Institution that houses reform (PSTD) and the Central Government not only to gage how far or how near the country is attaining its ultimate goal of Vision 2030 but also reporting back and engagement with its stakeholders will be much easier, less tedious it would became "business as usual" thus creating accountability and transparency resulting in winning the war on Corruption.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
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