Evolution of the African National Congress Youth League: from "freedom in our lifetime" to "economic freedom in our lifetime"
- Authors: Sipuka, Msingathi
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African National Congress -- History , African National Congress -- Youth League , Political parties -- Platforms , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8350 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020832
- Description: The 1994 democratic elections heralded a significant change in South Africa‟s political and social landscapes. This historic moment, and the subsequent democratic developmental processes that unfolded aimed at laying the foundations for a democratic state, were the culmination of a long history of struggle by the Black majority, in alliance with other social forces, against colonialism and apartheid. One of the significant social forces that emerged as part of this struggle against racial oppression was the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It is argued that the two most important developments in South African politics during the 1940‟s were the emergence of the African National Congress Youth League and the consolidation of its influence on the ANC leadership. The African National Congress Youth League was formed against the background of very distinct circumstances, the first being the worsening economic conditions for the growing African working class and the declining African peasantry. The second was the inability of the African National Congress to respond to the material challenges confronted by the African majority, because of its leadership and organisational weaknesses. The political programme of the ANCYL was rallied under the ideological auspices of African Nationalism, and its organisational programme under the articulated need to build a mass based and campaigning organisation. With a very strong leadership, the ANCYL was able to, within five years, assert its leadership and authority in the ANC with key elements of its manifesto forming significant parts of the ANC Programme. This culminated into the rise of the generational theme of the ANC Youth League of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. Essentially freedom was conceived as the abolishment of formal apartheid, and the delivery of a democratic South Africa. Formal democracy became a reality in South Africa in 1994 and at the helm of the ANC and the new government was the ANC Youth League generation of the 1940‟s. This generation had over fifty years struggled for freedom and 1994 represented the formal victory over apartheid and the attainment of a generational mission. The ushering in of formal democracy in 1994 heightened the expectations of the black majority in terms of its elevation from a point of view of its existing socio-economic realities. Close to twenty years after the end of formal apartheid the reality has been less than satisfactory in terms of addressing these socio-economic realities. What has been observed on the contrary is an increase in key measures such inequality and unemployment. Subsequent to that has been a less than satisfactory performance in the area of economic transformation which has been seen as a critical limiting factor in addressing the legacies of apartheid, particularly among the black majority. These limits to transformation have resulted in discontentment among the majority, claiming that democracy has not yielded to any significant changes in their material lives. The discontentment has been particularly proliferated among the youth, who bear the brunt of social challenges such as unemployment. The ANC Youth League, has had to confront the reality of being of a youth league of a governing party and balancing that with the social discontentment that has developed among South African, particularly the youth, as a result of perceived lack of social transformation. In balancing these two realities, the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of South African politics similarly to the 1940s generation of ANC Youth League leaders of the Youth League who had been mobilised under the theme of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. The contradictions within the ANC, of which the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of, and the need to become a socially relevant political force have culminated into the birth of a generational theme led by the ANC Youth League of “Economic Freedom in our Lifetime”.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Sipuka, Msingathi
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African National Congress -- History , African National Congress -- Youth League , Political parties -- Platforms , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8350 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020832
- Description: The 1994 democratic elections heralded a significant change in South Africa‟s political and social landscapes. This historic moment, and the subsequent democratic developmental processes that unfolded aimed at laying the foundations for a democratic state, were the culmination of a long history of struggle by the Black majority, in alliance with other social forces, against colonialism and apartheid. One of the significant social forces that emerged as part of this struggle against racial oppression was the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It is argued that the two most important developments in South African politics during the 1940‟s were the emergence of the African National Congress Youth League and the consolidation of its influence on the ANC leadership. The African National Congress Youth League was formed against the background of very distinct circumstances, the first being the worsening economic conditions for the growing African working class and the declining African peasantry. The second was the inability of the African National Congress to respond to the material challenges confronted by the African majority, because of its leadership and organisational weaknesses. The political programme of the ANCYL was rallied under the ideological auspices of African Nationalism, and its organisational programme under the articulated need to build a mass based and campaigning organisation. With a very strong leadership, the ANCYL was able to, within five years, assert its leadership and authority in the ANC with key elements of its manifesto forming significant parts of the ANC Programme. This culminated into the rise of the generational theme of the ANC Youth League of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. Essentially freedom was conceived as the abolishment of formal apartheid, and the delivery of a democratic South Africa. Formal democracy became a reality in South Africa in 1994 and at the helm of the ANC and the new government was the ANC Youth League generation of the 1940‟s. This generation had over fifty years struggled for freedom and 1994 represented the formal victory over apartheid and the attainment of a generational mission. The ushering in of formal democracy in 1994 heightened the expectations of the black majority in terms of its elevation from a point of view of its existing socio-economic realities. Close to twenty years after the end of formal apartheid the reality has been less than satisfactory in terms of addressing these socio-economic realities. What has been observed on the contrary is an increase in key measures such inequality and unemployment. Subsequent to that has been a less than satisfactory performance in the area of economic transformation which has been seen as a critical limiting factor in addressing the legacies of apartheid, particularly among the black majority. These limits to transformation have resulted in discontentment among the majority, claiming that democracy has not yielded to any significant changes in their material lives. The discontentment has been particularly proliferated among the youth, who bear the brunt of social challenges such as unemployment. The ANC Youth League, has had to confront the reality of being of a youth league of a governing party and balancing that with the social discontentment that has developed among South African, particularly the youth, as a result of perceived lack of social transformation. In balancing these two realities, the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of South African politics similarly to the 1940s generation of ANC Youth League leaders of the Youth League who had been mobilised under the theme of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. The contradictions within the ANC, of which the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of, and the need to become a socially relevant political force have culminated into the birth of a generational theme led by the ANC Youth League of “Economic Freedom in our Lifetime”.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The effectiveness of school management: conflict management skills as a missing link in selected schools in Gauteng
- Authors: Msila, Vuyisile
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Gauteng , School management and organization -- South Africa -- Gauteng , Educational leadership -- South Africa -- Gauteng
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8288 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018647
- Description: Growing research in educational leadership and management shows that there are many factors that have an impact on the running of effective schools. Many people are now aware of the importance of the school management‟s role in guiding successful schools. This quantitative study was conducted in Gauteng where 100 school managers responded to a questionnaire which probed them about their conflict management and competence skills. The participants responded to a 40 item Likert scale instrument. Each of the items had five alternatives to choose from. The results demonstrate that many teachers were never trained in conflict management skills and that they also find it hard to resolve disputes in their schools. Furthermore, a majority of the participants attributed the dysfunctionality and lack of teacher commitment to the pervading unresolved conflicts in their schools. There was also consensus that intractable conflict adversely affects the culture of learning and teaching in schools. Among the recommendations highlighted at the end are to ensure that prospective school managers are empowered with conflict management skills before assuming their positions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Msila, Vuyisile
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Gauteng , School management and organization -- South Africa -- Gauteng , Educational leadership -- South Africa -- Gauteng
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8288 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018647
- Description: Growing research in educational leadership and management shows that there are many factors that have an impact on the running of effective schools. Many people are now aware of the importance of the school management‟s role in guiding successful schools. This quantitative study was conducted in Gauteng where 100 school managers responded to a questionnaire which probed them about their conflict management and competence skills. The participants responded to a 40 item Likert scale instrument. Each of the items had five alternatives to choose from. The results demonstrate that many teachers were never trained in conflict management skills and that they also find it hard to resolve disputes in their schools. Furthermore, a majority of the participants attributed the dysfunctionality and lack of teacher commitment to the pervading unresolved conflicts in their schools. There was also consensus that intractable conflict adversely affects the culture of learning and teaching in schools. Among the recommendations highlighted at the end are to ensure that prospective school managers are empowered with conflict management skills before assuming their positions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Boundary demarcation and community identity concerns: an investigation of the Matatiele boundary dispute
- Authors: Tyabazayo, Phumlani
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Identity politics -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Matatiele (South Africa) -- Boundaries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8357 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021019
- Description: This treatise explores the Matatiele boundary demarcation dispute and, in particular, the role that unmet basic human needs play in this dispute. The subject of identity is also explored. In 2006, the government of South Africa decided that Matatiele should no longer be part of the province of Kwa-Zulu Natal (KZN) and instead should be incorporated into the province of the Eastern Cape. This decision divided the community of Matatiele into two groups; one was pro-KZN and the other, pro-Eastern Cape. In 2008, violence broke out between these two groups. The government’s decision and the resulting violence have created a situation of protracted conflict in the community of Matatiele with rivalries and antagonism being part of the fabric of the society. This treatise attempts to analyse this conflict and link it to the theory of basic human needs as advocated by conflict theorists such as John Burton and Johan Gultang. Human needs theorists hold the view that unmet psychological and physical needs are sources of social conflict and can lead to protracted conflict. This treatise also explores the efficacy of problem-solving workshops and referendums as conflict-resolution techniques for boundary demarcation disputes. The data were collected from unstructured, in-depth interviews with a sample of eleven respondents. The data indicate that there is a nexus between this conflict and the theory of basic human needs and that community-identity concerns are central to this dispute. The findings of this study suggest that the conflict is multi-faceted and that the underlying causes can be attributed to unmet human needs. The data was analysed using the grounded theory approach. This allowed the key causes of the conflict to be identified and subsequently informed the recommendations presented in the conclusion of this treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Tyabazayo, Phumlani
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Identity politics -- South Africa -- Matatiele , Matatiele (South Africa) -- Boundaries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8357 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021019
- Description: This treatise explores the Matatiele boundary demarcation dispute and, in particular, the role that unmet basic human needs play in this dispute. The subject of identity is also explored. In 2006, the government of South Africa decided that Matatiele should no longer be part of the province of Kwa-Zulu Natal (KZN) and instead should be incorporated into the province of the Eastern Cape. This decision divided the community of Matatiele into two groups; one was pro-KZN and the other, pro-Eastern Cape. In 2008, violence broke out between these two groups. The government’s decision and the resulting violence have created a situation of protracted conflict in the community of Matatiele with rivalries and antagonism being part of the fabric of the society. This treatise attempts to analyse this conflict and link it to the theory of basic human needs as advocated by conflict theorists such as John Burton and Johan Gultang. Human needs theorists hold the view that unmet psychological and physical needs are sources of social conflict and can lead to protracted conflict. This treatise also explores the efficacy of problem-solving workshops and referendums as conflict-resolution techniques for boundary demarcation disputes. The data were collected from unstructured, in-depth interviews with a sample of eleven respondents. The data indicate that there is a nexus between this conflict and the theory of basic human needs and that community-identity concerns are central to this dispute. The findings of this study suggest that the conflict is multi-faceted and that the underlying causes can be attributed to unmet human needs. The data was analysed using the grounded theory approach. This allowed the key causes of the conflict to be identified and subsequently informed the recommendations presented in the conclusion of this treatise.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
An exploratory study of the role of synergy between the state and civil society in popular participation with reference to the province of Kwazulu-Natal
- Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Authors: Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8210 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135 , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Description: A healthy democracy is generally seen as one in which citizens participate regularly in formal political activities. Citizens’ participation in governance has come to be accepted as an expression of their rights and the manifestation of citizen agency. Access to information remains a crucial component of the right to participate. Transparency, as a normative and constitutional value, represents a means, not an end. The means is the mechanism of access to information. Within the South African context, there is evidence of an increase in participation of a variety of interest groups by means of different processes, as well as through the establishment of numerous consultative bodies and mechanisms for popular participation at all levels of the political structure (Houston, 2001:1). However, accountability to citizens can best be gauged by assessing citizens’ opportunities to influence legislation between elections. Ultimately, the effectiveness and sustainability of mechanisms aim at improving citizens’ participation in policy formulation in order to become effective when they are “institutionalized” and when the state’s own “internal” mechanisms are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. Furthermore, the success depends on some form of effective interaction between the state and civic society. In the case of South Africa, whilst the political context and culture for participation exist in the form of the constitutional provisions and several pieces of legislation, a discrepancy exist whereby many South Africans are excluded or devalued by the vast differences in wealth. Citizen’s votes may count equally, but they are still not able to participate on an equal basis between elections. Participatory mechanisms established to ensure citizen’s participation, access to information and monitoring inside and outside the legislature, remain ineffective. These unequal opportunities mean that the poorer and less organised segments of society are prejudiced in terms of influencing legislation and policy. Their lack of full and meaningful participation means legislative outcomes are less representative of, and responsive to, the interests of the poorer segments of society (Habib, Shultz – Herzenberg, 2005: 144). The focus of this study is limited to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The aim is to, firstly, assess the extent to which citizens can control those who make collective decisions about public affairs. Secondly, it assess the extent to which citizens participate in the existing participatory mechanisms, and thirdly, the study explores the possibilities of the synergy between the state and civil society in promoting effective participation by its citizens. The study, therefore : 1. Assess the theoretical and policy framework for citizen’s participation in South Africa; and 2. Evaluate the level of participation and effectiveness of participatory mechanisms inside and outside the KwaZulu - Natal Legislature. The study introduces the theoretical and conceptual framework of citizen participation through a literature review; followed by an empirical study of citizen participation in the legislative process in the kwaZulu Natal legislature. The study makes the following findings: 1. The literature review concurs that South Africa has one of the most progressive and liberal constitutions in the world. This is coupled with a sound policy framework demonstrating genuine political will for citizens’ participation in policy formulation. 2. Within the political context and culture for citizen participation, the main question of how much control citizens have over the actions of their government remains. Another issue is whether existing mechanisms in the legislature are effective in engendering citizen’s participation and quality input in public policy – making processes. 3. The study showed that ultimately the effectiveness and sustainability of citizen participation mechanisms is improved when they are “institutionalised” and when the state’s own internal mechanisms of accountability are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. The study also highlighted the need for synergy between the state and civil society. This includes, among other things, participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking, monitoring of public service delivery, investigative journalism and citizens’ advisory boards. The study, therefore, makes two recommendations: 1. A comparative Citizens Education and Outreach Programme be developed and spearheaded by both the legislature and civil society in kwaZulu-Natal; and 2. A further study needs to be undertaken to investigate the possible structural nature of the synergy (relationship) between the state and civil society in the province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8210 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135 , Economic development -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- KwaZulu Natal , Civil society , Responsibility , Political ethics
- Description: A healthy democracy is generally seen as one in which citizens participate regularly in formal political activities. Citizens’ participation in governance has come to be accepted as an expression of their rights and the manifestation of citizen agency. Access to information remains a crucial component of the right to participate. Transparency, as a normative and constitutional value, represents a means, not an end. The means is the mechanism of access to information. Within the South African context, there is evidence of an increase in participation of a variety of interest groups by means of different processes, as well as through the establishment of numerous consultative bodies and mechanisms for popular participation at all levels of the political structure (Houston, 2001:1). However, accountability to citizens can best be gauged by assessing citizens’ opportunities to influence legislation between elections. Ultimately, the effectiveness and sustainability of mechanisms aim at improving citizens’ participation in policy formulation in order to become effective when they are “institutionalized” and when the state’s own “internal” mechanisms are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. Furthermore, the success depends on some form of effective interaction between the state and civic society. In the case of South Africa, whilst the political context and culture for participation exist in the form of the constitutional provisions and several pieces of legislation, a discrepancy exist whereby many South Africans are excluded or devalued by the vast differences in wealth. Citizen’s votes may count equally, but they are still not able to participate on an equal basis between elections. Participatory mechanisms established to ensure citizen’s participation, access to information and monitoring inside and outside the legislature, remain ineffective. These unequal opportunities mean that the poorer and less organised segments of society are prejudiced in terms of influencing legislation and policy. Their lack of full and meaningful participation means legislative outcomes are less representative of, and responsive to, the interests of the poorer segments of society (Habib, Shultz – Herzenberg, 2005: 144). The focus of this study is limited to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The aim is to, firstly, assess the extent to which citizens can control those who make collective decisions about public affairs. Secondly, it assess the extent to which citizens participate in the existing participatory mechanisms, and thirdly, the study explores the possibilities of the synergy between the state and civil society in promoting effective participation by its citizens. The study, therefore : 1. Assess the theoretical and policy framework for citizen’s participation in South Africa; and 2. Evaluate the level of participation and effectiveness of participatory mechanisms inside and outside the KwaZulu - Natal Legislature. The study introduces the theoretical and conceptual framework of citizen participation through a literature review; followed by an empirical study of citizen participation in the legislative process in the kwaZulu Natal legislature. The study makes the following findings: 1. The literature review concurs that South Africa has one of the most progressive and liberal constitutions in the world. This is coupled with a sound policy framework demonstrating genuine political will for citizens’ participation in policy formulation. 2. Within the political context and culture for citizen participation, the main question of how much control citizens have over the actions of their government remains. Another issue is whether existing mechanisms in the legislature are effective in engendering citizen’s participation and quality input in public policy – making processes. 3. The study showed that ultimately the effectiveness and sustainability of citizen participation mechanisms is improved when they are “institutionalised” and when the state’s own internal mechanisms of accountability are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. The study also highlighted the need for synergy between the state and civil society. This includes, among other things, participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking, monitoring of public service delivery, investigative journalism and citizens’ advisory boards. The study, therefore, makes two recommendations: 1. A comparative Citizens Education and Outreach Programme be developed and spearheaded by both the legislature and civil society in kwaZulu-Natal; and 2. A further study needs to be undertaken to investigate the possible structural nature of the synergy (relationship) between the state and civil society in the province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
A comparative analysis of the low voter turnout in 2006 and 2011 municipal elections: Lukhanji municipality
- Authors: Jakuja, Noxolo
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Voter turnout -- South Africa , Voter registration -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5995 , vital:21023
- Description: The aim of this study was to conduct a comparative analysis of the low voter turnout of the 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality. The study came as a result of the researcher’s observations of the low voter turnout during the 2011 municipal elections across the country. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the previous municipal election of 2006 also experienced low voter turnout. However, this was not the case with national and provincial elections, because since the first election that took place in 1994, voter turnout has been high. Lukhanji Municipality, which is the area of residence for the researcher, was no different from the rest of South Africa, when it comes to low voter turnout for the municipal elections and high voter turnout for national and provincial elections. It was noted that there has never been a detailed research study conducted in Lukhanji Municipality regarding the subject in question, and also that there is a limited amount of literature that seeks to investigate voter turnout in local elections in South Africa. The large amount of available literature focuses on voter turnout during national and provincial elections in established democracies. The literature review extensively explored the determinants of voter turnout in all levels of elections. From those tested elsewhere, it was evident that no single factor can be the cause of low voting during an election, therefore it was fundamental to investigate the causes of low voter turnout of the municipal elections with special focus on Lukhanji Municipality. It became evident from the study, that indeed various factors may have led to low voter turnout during 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Jakuja, Noxolo
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Voter turnout -- South Africa , Voter registration -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5995 , vital:21023
- Description: The aim of this study was to conduct a comparative analysis of the low voter turnout of the 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality. The study came as a result of the researcher’s observations of the low voter turnout during the 2011 municipal elections across the country. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the previous municipal election of 2006 also experienced low voter turnout. However, this was not the case with national and provincial elections, because since the first election that took place in 1994, voter turnout has been high. Lukhanji Municipality, which is the area of residence for the researcher, was no different from the rest of South Africa, when it comes to low voter turnout for the municipal elections and high voter turnout for national and provincial elections. It was noted that there has never been a detailed research study conducted in Lukhanji Municipality regarding the subject in question, and also that there is a limited amount of literature that seeks to investigate voter turnout in local elections in South Africa. The large amount of available literature focuses on voter turnout during national and provincial elections in established democracies. The literature review extensively explored the determinants of voter turnout in all levels of elections. From those tested elsewhere, it was evident that no single factor can be the cause of low voting during an election, therefore it was fundamental to investigate the causes of low voter turnout of the municipal elections with special focus on Lukhanji Municipality. It became evident from the study, that indeed various factors may have led to low voter turnout during 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
An investigation into the prevalence of power harassment in the public service: a case study of a provincial department
- Authors: Pardesi, Sheena
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Harassment -- South Africa , Bullying in the workplace -- South Africa Sexual harassment of women
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/43336 , vital:36798
- Description: Workplace harassment is experienced internationally, and much research has been done on this very complex topic. An area that has not received much focus is “power harassment” which specifically refers to the abuse of one’s authority or position in the workplace with the intent to harm an employee, provided the succumb to whatever undue pressure or influence exerted. The context of this study is the public service of South Africa because it is characterised by strict norms and a high level of bureaucracy, an is assumed to be free from such occurrence. A provincial department in South Africa was used as case study and inferential statistics was used to generalise the findings. The main aim of the present study was to establish the prevalence of power harassment in the provincial department. A representative sample was selected from the provincial department and information was collected by means of an online survey. A quantitative analysis was conducted using descriptive statics. Chi-Square tests and cross tabulation tables were analysed to test several hypotheses.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Pardesi, Sheena
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Harassment -- South Africa , Bullying in the workplace -- South Africa Sexual harassment of women
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/43336 , vital:36798
- Description: Workplace harassment is experienced internationally, and much research has been done on this very complex topic. An area that has not received much focus is “power harassment” which specifically refers to the abuse of one’s authority or position in the workplace with the intent to harm an employee, provided the succumb to whatever undue pressure or influence exerted. The context of this study is the public service of South Africa because it is characterised by strict norms and a high level of bureaucracy, an is assumed to be free from such occurrence. A provincial department in South Africa was used as case study and inferential statistics was used to generalise the findings. The main aim of the present study was to establish the prevalence of power harassment in the provincial department. A representative sample was selected from the provincial department and information was collected by means of an online survey. A quantitative analysis was conducted using descriptive statics. Chi-Square tests and cross tabulation tables were analysed to test several hypotheses.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
Trade, financial development and the economic growth nexus in South Africa
- Authors: Zhanje, Stephen
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions Economic development -- South Africa Finance -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/13327 , vital:27175
- Description: South Africa is endowed with a well-developed and regulated financial system which compares favourably with those of other developed economies. Therefore the financial sector is intended to play a significant role in supporting the real economy, by enhancing trade and stimulating economic growth and development. Despite the existence of a stable, developed and well-regulated financial sector, the South African economy has experienced current account deficits for the past 10 years and economic growth rates have mostly trailed behind the targets prescribed by the socio-economic programs formulated and implemented since 1994. To solve the trade – financial development – economic growth nexus problem, most studies have focused on other countries while research studies on South Africa did not explicitly investigate the trade – financial development – economic growth triangle, the linkage which failed to yield the desired outcome for South Africa’s post 1994 era.Therefore, this study employs Cointegration Vector Autoregressive (CVAR) methodology to investigate the relationship between trade, financial development and economic growth in South Africa. The unit root test revealed that the variables considered in the study are I(1) variables and the Johansen cointegration test justified the existence of a long run relationship among the variables. The empirical findings indicate that imports and financial development are positively related to exports whilst economic growth is negatively related to exports. The VAR Ganger causality test has shown that there is a uni-directional causality running from financial development to economic growth, exports and imports and that imports Granger cause exports. The results of this study form the basis for further investigation into the non-performance of exports and economic growth in the nexus. The research study opens up new policy insights by suggesting that financial policy can be used to be more supportive to the production of intermediate and finished products destined for both international and domestic markets.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Zhanje, Stephen
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions Economic development -- South Africa Finance -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/13327 , vital:27175
- Description: South Africa is endowed with a well-developed and regulated financial system which compares favourably with those of other developed economies. Therefore the financial sector is intended to play a significant role in supporting the real economy, by enhancing trade and stimulating economic growth and development. Despite the existence of a stable, developed and well-regulated financial sector, the South African economy has experienced current account deficits for the past 10 years and economic growth rates have mostly trailed behind the targets prescribed by the socio-economic programs formulated and implemented since 1994. To solve the trade – financial development – economic growth nexus problem, most studies have focused on other countries while research studies on South Africa did not explicitly investigate the trade – financial development – economic growth triangle, the linkage which failed to yield the desired outcome for South Africa’s post 1994 era.Therefore, this study employs Cointegration Vector Autoregressive (CVAR) methodology to investigate the relationship between trade, financial development and economic growth in South Africa. The unit root test revealed that the variables considered in the study are I(1) variables and the Johansen cointegration test justified the existence of a long run relationship among the variables. The empirical findings indicate that imports and financial development are positively related to exports whilst economic growth is negatively related to exports. The VAR Ganger causality test has shown that there is a uni-directional causality running from financial development to economic growth, exports and imports and that imports Granger cause exports. The results of this study form the basis for further investigation into the non-performance of exports and economic growth in the nexus. The research study opens up new policy insights by suggesting that financial policy can be used to be more supportive to the production of intermediate and finished products destined for both international and domestic markets.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
Exploring workplace conflict, case study of a day care centre, Nyanga, Western Cape: a conflict management perspective
- Authors: Williams, Annuschka, Angela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Cape Town , Mediation and conciliation, Industrial Interpersonal conflict Organizational behavior Teams in the workplace
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/44412 , vital:37166
- Description: This study sought to explore a workplace conflict case study through a conflict management framework in an effort to offer recommendations to the organisation. The study was located in a day care centre, which has been in existence for over 15 years and which provides a number of health and social support services, and capacity-building opportunities for children, women and youth. The study presents a literature review and theoretical framework on conflict, workplace conflict and work conflict management as a backdrop for the empirical investigation. The study employed a qualitative research design and methodology. The study found that the conflict in the organisation has multiple bases, of which communication, structure and values are the major contributors. The conflict is both affective and substantive in nature. The essential divining force is the perceived and felt change in the organisational value and orientation which links to the historic versus the emerging developmental approach driving the organisational programmes.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Williams, Annuschka, Angela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Cape Town , Mediation and conciliation, Industrial Interpersonal conflict Organizational behavior Teams in the workplace
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/44412 , vital:37166
- Description: This study sought to explore a workplace conflict case study through a conflict management framework in an effort to offer recommendations to the organisation. The study was located in a day care centre, which has been in existence for over 15 years and which provides a number of health and social support services, and capacity-building opportunities for children, women and youth. The study presents a literature review and theoretical framework on conflict, workplace conflict and work conflict management as a backdrop for the empirical investigation. The study employed a qualitative research design and methodology. The study found that the conflict in the organisation has multiple bases, of which communication, structure and values are the major contributors. The conflict is both affective and substantive in nature. The essential divining force is the perceived and felt change in the organisational value and orientation which links to the historic versus the emerging developmental approach driving the organisational programmes.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
A strategy for adopting cloud computing services in small, medium and micro enterprises (SME) in the Nelson Mandela Metropole
- Authors: Sarpong, George
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Cloud computing , Technological innovations -- Management Information technology -- Management Management information systems New business enterprises -- South Africa -- Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality Small business -- South Africa -- Management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/43567 , vital:36920
- Description: Small, medium and micro enterprises (SMEs) in South Africa continue to form the foundation for growing the economy. Thus, these enterprises have a significant role in to play in helping the country to eliminate poverty and unemployment. In order for these businesses to continue to grow and stay abreast with the changing business landscape, these businesses need to adopt some or other form of technology. One such technology is cloud computing, which is at times referred to as external hosting. Cloud computing is a type of technology that allows any business to operate as if it had a team of dedicated professional information technology (IT) personnel continually checking and monitoring its IT systems. As a result, cloud computing often allows a business to save on costs, improve communication with clients and speed up the transfer of information across the business. Thus, as SMEs often have small or non-existent IT departments, cloud computing offers these business an opportunity to compete with larger corporations without having to compromise on the quality of their service. However, in spite of these benefits, cloud computing still remains something of a novelty to many small businesses that operate in Nelson Mandela Metropole, as these businesses tend to either adopt a small portion of the technology or not to adopt the technology at all. The reasons for not significantly investing in the technology are usually far ranging but are often linked to these businesses not understanding how the service can be best used to help their business to grow. This study includes a description of a strategy that SMEs can follow when adopting cloud computing services as part of their business models. In addition to this, this study includes a discussion on the various benefits and disadvantages that await SMEs that make the decision to invest in the service.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Sarpong, George
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Cloud computing , Technological innovations -- Management Information technology -- Management Management information systems New business enterprises -- South Africa -- Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality Small business -- South Africa -- Management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/43567 , vital:36920
- Description: Small, medium and micro enterprises (SMEs) in South Africa continue to form the foundation for growing the economy. Thus, these enterprises have a significant role in to play in helping the country to eliminate poverty and unemployment. In order for these businesses to continue to grow and stay abreast with the changing business landscape, these businesses need to adopt some or other form of technology. One such technology is cloud computing, which is at times referred to as external hosting. Cloud computing is a type of technology that allows any business to operate as if it had a team of dedicated professional information technology (IT) personnel continually checking and monitoring its IT systems. As a result, cloud computing often allows a business to save on costs, improve communication with clients and speed up the transfer of information across the business. Thus, as SMEs often have small or non-existent IT departments, cloud computing offers these business an opportunity to compete with larger corporations without having to compromise on the quality of their service. However, in spite of these benefits, cloud computing still remains something of a novelty to many small businesses that operate in Nelson Mandela Metropole, as these businesses tend to either adopt a small portion of the technology or not to adopt the technology at all. The reasons for not significantly investing in the technology are usually far ranging but are often linked to these businesses not understanding how the service can be best used to help their business to grow. This study includes a description of a strategy that SMEs can follow when adopting cloud computing services as part of their business models. In addition to this, this study includes a discussion on the various benefits and disadvantages that await SMEs that make the decision to invest in the service.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Factors affecting the functioning of the pro-active land acquisition strategy in the Buffalo City Municipal area
- Authors: Mfuywa, Sigqibo Onward
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8250 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1011786 , Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: A Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy is an aspect of the land reform programme which is aimed at speeding up land acquisition. The distinct feature of this approach is that the State acquires land pro-actively and then identifies beneficiaries who then become leaseholders. In other land reform programmes the land is acquired by the state and transferred to the beneficiaries, who then own the land. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy was approved ‘in principle’ in July 2003, and included Ministerial provisions that an implementation plan be developed prior to the implementation of the strategy in 2006. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy deals with two possible approaches: a needs-based approach and a supply-led approach, but essentially focuses on the State as the lead driver in land redistribution, rather than the current beneficiary-driven redistribution (Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy, 2006:4). The Department of Land Affairs Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy implementation plan (2006:4) further outlines the important elements in order to contextualize the Proactive Implementation Framework, and to stress the revision of the plan in terms of the “new trajectory”. The strategy shifts from the principle that there is a need or demand for land. It is not driven by the demand of beneficiaries, but rather state-driven. This means that the State will target proactively land and compare this with the demand for land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Mfuywa, Sigqibo Onward
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8250 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1011786 , Land reform -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Land tenure -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Description: A Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy is an aspect of the land reform programme which is aimed at speeding up land acquisition. The distinct feature of this approach is that the State acquires land pro-actively and then identifies beneficiaries who then become leaseholders. In other land reform programmes the land is acquired by the state and transferred to the beneficiaries, who then own the land. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy was approved ‘in principle’ in July 2003, and included Ministerial provisions that an implementation plan be developed prior to the implementation of the strategy in 2006. The Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy deals with two possible approaches: a needs-based approach and a supply-led approach, but essentially focuses on the State as the lead driver in land redistribution, rather than the current beneficiary-driven redistribution (Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy, 2006:4). The Department of Land Affairs Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy implementation plan (2006:4) further outlines the important elements in order to contextualize the Proactive Implementation Framework, and to stress the revision of the plan in terms of the “new trajectory”. The strategy shifts from the principle that there is a need or demand for land. It is not driven by the demand of beneficiaries, but rather state-driven. This means that the State will target proactively land and compare this with the demand for land.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
The relevance of conflict management in response to gangsterism: a case study of a community – based organisation in Gelvandale
- Authors: Hiles, Ronel Bernadette
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Gangs -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Community organization -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Port Elizabeth (South Africa) -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/22189 , vital:29869
- Description: This research study sought to provide a primary base from which key strategies can be developed to address the gangsterism, drug and violence challenges in Gelvandale, in an effort to bring about peace and stability in this community and the surrounding areas. It also examined at the relevance of conflict management in response to gangsterism and the daily struggles of NGOs and the community. Gangsterism and violence in the Northern Areas have evolved in the last decade to an extent where the police sometimes fear to go and investigate. This problem stems from decades of socio-economic difficulties and a struggle for a better life in the Coloured community. The Group Areas Act of the 1960s still affects people of colour and marginalises them greatly. It is important that Gelvandale and the surrounding areas be recognised as the heart of the gang problem in the EC and that it demands the urgent attention of policy makers, law enforcement and civil society. Many organisations like ES are doing their best to bring about peace in the Northern Areas but it is difficult without the full support and cooperation of the community and especially the police. It is recommended that NMU work together with NGOs and NPOs to give them guidance and training sessions on negotiations, mediations and facilitation. The Northern Areas has a protracted political and social history which deserves more attention, acknowledgement and direction from authorities, policy makers and researchers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Hiles, Ronel Bernadette
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Gangs -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Community organization -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Port Elizabeth (South Africa) -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/22189 , vital:29869
- Description: This research study sought to provide a primary base from which key strategies can be developed to address the gangsterism, drug and violence challenges in Gelvandale, in an effort to bring about peace and stability in this community and the surrounding areas. It also examined at the relevance of conflict management in response to gangsterism and the daily struggles of NGOs and the community. Gangsterism and violence in the Northern Areas have evolved in the last decade to an extent where the police sometimes fear to go and investigate. This problem stems from decades of socio-economic difficulties and a struggle for a better life in the Coloured community. The Group Areas Act of the 1960s still affects people of colour and marginalises them greatly. It is important that Gelvandale and the surrounding areas be recognised as the heart of the gang problem in the EC and that it demands the urgent attention of policy makers, law enforcement and civil society. Many organisations like ES are doing their best to bring about peace in the Northern Areas but it is difficult without the full support and cooperation of the community and especially the police. It is recommended that NMU work together with NGOs and NPOs to give them guidance and training sessions on negotiations, mediations and facilitation. The Northern Areas has a protracted political and social history which deserves more attention, acknowledgement and direction from authorities, policy makers and researchers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
An assessment of the African Peer Review Mechanism with specific reference to South Africa
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: African Peer Review Mechanism , Peer review -- South Africa , Peer review -- Political aspects -- Africa , African cooperation , Political leadership -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960- , Democratization -- Africa , Civil society -- Africa , Political participation -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8242 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/758 , African Peer Review Mechanism , Peer review -- South Africa , Peer review -- Political aspects -- Africa , African cooperation , Political leadership -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960- , Democratization -- Africa , Civil society -- Africa , Political participation -- Africa
- Description: The Heads of State and Government Implementation Committee (HSGIC) of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) acknowledged and recognised the centrality of good governance within the context of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an innovative mechanism acceded to by member states of the African Union (AU) as a self- monitoring mechanism for good governance. South Africa is one of the countries which acceded to the APRM in 2003. Accordingly, South Africa appointed a National Governing Council (NGC) under the chairpersonship of the Minister of Public Services and Administration as the focal point to develop a strategy to manage the national APRM process. The NGC was constituted of business, the disabled, civil society, churches, trade unions, government and women’s coalitions thus ensuring all relevant stakeholders are represented. As part of South Africa’s country assessment, questionnaires dealing with the four core thematic areas of the APRM were sent through to the public by community development workers. In addition, four technical assessment agencies were appointed to assist in conducting research on the four thematic areas. The primary objective of this study is to examine the theoretical approach to the study and the African Peer Review Mechanism’s contemporary relevance to South Africa, its intended beneficiaries and an assessment of South Africa for the period 2006. The study revealed that Proportional Representation (PR) and floor-crossing have an impact on the sustainability, relevance, long term development, vibrancy and profundity of constitutional democracy in the country. Clearly, since the dawn of the democratic dispensation in South Africa the electoral system introduced is such that it had to take into account the challenges the country faced during the apartheid system of governance. In this context, enough space for free political competition in the country was created. On the basis of the findings of the study, it is patently clear that the time allocated for the CSAR was minimal and the country should have been given at least two years so that the self assessment could have been extensively done. On the issue of HIV and AIDS and its relationship to socio-economic conditions, it was revealed that the country has a lot to do in this regard. The debilitating effect that HIV and AIDS has on the lives of the citizens requires clarity of policy and strategy, consistency in public communication and the need for sustained partnerships amongst all relevant stakeholders. At another level, there was a call for a basic income grant although government does not necessarily support it. Based on the research findings above, a new research area outlined under recommendations can be conceptualized for further research and it requires some attention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: African Peer Review Mechanism , Peer review -- South Africa , Peer review -- Political aspects -- Africa , African cooperation , Political leadership -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960- , Democratization -- Africa , Civil society -- Africa , Political participation -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8242 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/758 , African Peer Review Mechanism , Peer review -- South Africa , Peer review -- Political aspects -- Africa , African cooperation , Political leadership -- Africa , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960- , Democratization -- Africa , Civil society -- Africa , Political participation -- Africa
- Description: The Heads of State and Government Implementation Committee (HSGIC) of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) acknowledged and recognised the centrality of good governance within the context of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an innovative mechanism acceded to by member states of the African Union (AU) as a self- monitoring mechanism for good governance. South Africa is one of the countries which acceded to the APRM in 2003. Accordingly, South Africa appointed a National Governing Council (NGC) under the chairpersonship of the Minister of Public Services and Administration as the focal point to develop a strategy to manage the national APRM process. The NGC was constituted of business, the disabled, civil society, churches, trade unions, government and women’s coalitions thus ensuring all relevant stakeholders are represented. As part of South Africa’s country assessment, questionnaires dealing with the four core thematic areas of the APRM were sent through to the public by community development workers. In addition, four technical assessment agencies were appointed to assist in conducting research on the four thematic areas. The primary objective of this study is to examine the theoretical approach to the study and the African Peer Review Mechanism’s contemporary relevance to South Africa, its intended beneficiaries and an assessment of South Africa for the period 2006. The study revealed that Proportional Representation (PR) and floor-crossing have an impact on the sustainability, relevance, long term development, vibrancy and profundity of constitutional democracy in the country. Clearly, since the dawn of the democratic dispensation in South Africa the electoral system introduced is such that it had to take into account the challenges the country faced during the apartheid system of governance. In this context, enough space for free political competition in the country was created. On the basis of the findings of the study, it is patently clear that the time allocated for the CSAR was minimal and the country should have been given at least two years so that the self assessment could have been extensively done. On the issue of HIV and AIDS and its relationship to socio-economic conditions, it was revealed that the country has a lot to do in this regard. The debilitating effect that HIV and AIDS has on the lives of the citizens requires clarity of policy and strategy, consistency in public communication and the need for sustained partnerships amongst all relevant stakeholders. At another level, there was a call for a basic income grant although government does not necessarily support it. Based on the research findings above, a new research area outlined under recommendations can be conceptualized for further research and it requires some attention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
Structural violence on economically independent women aged between 30 and 50 years in Nairobi
- Authors: Ndungu, Shelmith
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Women -- Violence against -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Sex role -- Kenya -- Nairobi Social role -- Kenya -- Nairobi Women -- Economic conditions Women and socialism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/42891 , vital:36703
- Description: The reasons patriarchal structural violence on economically independent women continues to happen are not fully understood. Most studies have been focused on socio-economic factors that influence women to stay in abusive relationships and the interventions that address these factors. However, the problem goes beyond economic ability. This study aimed to provide insight which can serve as the basis for remedial action and ultimately the development of an international standard prohibiting women’s abuse and domestic violence in families. The study focused on two key objectives; the role of culture and patriarchy in maintaining structural violence. The study aimed to investigate how these variables influence women’s decision to continue staying in abusive relationships. The target population was people working in non-governmental organisations which deal with domestic violence survivors in Nairobi, Kenya. A sample of 12 respondents was utilised in a qualitative study. The study employed qualitative interviews whose data were thematically analysed. Results indicate that gender based violence can start early in the relationship sometimes even during courtship. What changes over time is the severity of the violence. The main type of abuse experienced by the women visiting the sampled centres was physical abuse. The main reason given for staying in an abusive relationship is the fear that their children would be abused if left with the abusive partner. Societal norms also emerged as a barrier for women in abusive relationships. The study recommends creation of awareness in the general population on how to identify gender-based violence for the purpose of intervention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Ndungu, Shelmith
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Women -- Violence against -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Sex role -- Kenya -- Nairobi Social role -- Kenya -- Nairobi Women -- Economic conditions Women and socialism
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/42891 , vital:36703
- Description: The reasons patriarchal structural violence on economically independent women continues to happen are not fully understood. Most studies have been focused on socio-economic factors that influence women to stay in abusive relationships and the interventions that address these factors. However, the problem goes beyond economic ability. This study aimed to provide insight which can serve as the basis for remedial action and ultimately the development of an international standard prohibiting women’s abuse and domestic violence in families. The study focused on two key objectives; the role of culture and patriarchy in maintaining structural violence. The study aimed to investigate how these variables influence women’s decision to continue staying in abusive relationships. The target population was people working in non-governmental organisations which deal with domestic violence survivors in Nairobi, Kenya. A sample of 12 respondents was utilised in a qualitative study. The study employed qualitative interviews whose data were thematically analysed. Results indicate that gender based violence can start early in the relationship sometimes even during courtship. What changes over time is the severity of the violence. The main type of abuse experienced by the women visiting the sampled centres was physical abuse. The main reason given for staying in an abusive relationship is the fear that their children would be abused if left with the abusive partner. Societal norms also emerged as a barrier for women in abusive relationships. The study recommends creation of awareness in the general population on how to identify gender-based violence for the purpose of intervention.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Influence of the jobs fund on the unemployment rate in South Africa
- Authors: Banzana, Lubabalo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Unemployment--South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/47508 , vital:40119
- Description: Since the dawn of its democracy, South Africa has experienced multiple changes in its key economic policy. These changes were meant to address the poverty, inequality, and unemployment in the country. The post-1994 years have seen economic policies change from the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) in 1994 to the Growth, Employment and Redistribution framework (GEAR) in 1996. Then came the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA) in 2006 and, most recently, the New Growth Path (NGP) and the National Development Plan (NDP) in 2010 and 2013, respectively (Chibba and Luiz, 2011). Despite numerous efforts made to change economic policy throughout the years, South Africa is still faced with the challenge of a high unemployment rate. To manage this issue, the South African government has introduced several interventions, such as the creation of a Jobs Fund in 2011, which meant that an initial investment amount of R9 billion was contributed by the government towards the attainment of its objectives. The research methodology used in this study was quantitative and, more specifically, based on the descriptive method of research.The primary objective of the research was to investigate the influence and effectiveness of the Jobs Fund through its job creation and skills development initiatives that were mechanisms to reduce the unemployment rate. The research aimed to assess the success of the Fund thus far in providing funding towards sustainable job creation and long-term employment. In addition, the study analysed the Fund’s influence in reducing in unemployment. In answering the primary objective of the research, it was not entirely possible to measure the influence of the Jobs Fund on the unemployment rate in South Africa, as other key factors need to be taken into consideration when making such an assessment. This is highlighted by the fact that, even though close to R7 billion has already gradually been committed to job creation activities by the government since 2011, the unemployment rate has continued to grow. Therefore, a study of the influence of the Jobs Fund on the unemployment rate would need take into consideration other key factors that influence unemployment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Banzana, Lubabalo
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Unemployment--South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/47508 , vital:40119
- Description: Since the dawn of its democracy, South Africa has experienced multiple changes in its key economic policy. These changes were meant to address the poverty, inequality, and unemployment in the country. The post-1994 years have seen economic policies change from the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) in 1994 to the Growth, Employment and Redistribution framework (GEAR) in 1996. Then came the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA) in 2006 and, most recently, the New Growth Path (NGP) and the National Development Plan (NDP) in 2010 and 2013, respectively (Chibba and Luiz, 2011). Despite numerous efforts made to change economic policy throughout the years, South Africa is still faced with the challenge of a high unemployment rate. To manage this issue, the South African government has introduced several interventions, such as the creation of a Jobs Fund in 2011, which meant that an initial investment amount of R9 billion was contributed by the government towards the attainment of its objectives. The research methodology used in this study was quantitative and, more specifically, based on the descriptive method of research.The primary objective of the research was to investigate the influence and effectiveness of the Jobs Fund through its job creation and skills development initiatives that were mechanisms to reduce the unemployment rate. The research aimed to assess the success of the Fund thus far in providing funding towards sustainable job creation and long-term employment. In addition, the study analysed the Fund’s influence in reducing in unemployment. In answering the primary objective of the research, it was not entirely possible to measure the influence of the Jobs Fund on the unemployment rate in South Africa, as other key factors need to be taken into consideration when making such an assessment. This is highlighted by the fact that, even though close to R7 billion has already gradually been committed to job creation activities by the government since 2011, the unemployment rate has continued to grow. Therefore, a study of the influence of the Jobs Fund on the unemployment rate would need take into consideration other key factors that influence unemployment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
A critical appraisal of 21st century peacebuilding in post-colonial Africa
- Authors: Kepe, Lukhanyo
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Peace-building -- Africa -- 21st century , Conflict management -- Africa Africa -- Politics and government Peacekeeping forces -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30726 , vital:31035
- Description: This study presents a critical appraisal of 21st century peacebuilding in Africa predicated on the evasive nature of peace and development on the continent. Peacebuilding and development initiatives have tended to be unsustainable and post-conflict states have tended to revert to conflict shortly after transitions. This reversion is a cause for concern as the continent has made concerted efforts in establishing organisations and invested large sums of funds in ensuring that the prevalence of conflict and subsequent issues culminating from the instability of conflict-ridden nations diminish. Peacebuilding in Africa remains a field that is continually scrutinised due to the nuanced nature of conflict which occurs in the continent. These include, inter alia, the historically Eurocentric nature of conflict resolution endeavours of the contemporary society which subjects Africa towards being aspirants of modernity in perpetuity through peacebuilding efforts that embody conflict resolution methods that overlook the antecedents of the conflict; an endemic cycle that is erroneous to the efforts of bringing peace that is sustainable. Moreover, although there is an extensive body of work pertaining to understanding of sustainable peace, which focusses mostly on the political economy of conflict resolution and peacebuilding, it has been identified that not many studies have been done in a way which seeks to address the Eurocentric epistemologies, philosophies and practices which may affect peacebuilding in conflict ridden ‘post-colonial’ African states. Thus, the analytical perspective of the study will be to explore the orientation of ‘coloniality’ and ‘subjectivity’ in the field and attempt to bring in a decolonial perspective to the debates on conflict and peace in Africa. Quintessential to the author was the prevalence and reoccurrence of conflict in Africa, a pertinent feature which resulted to the development of this study. Moreover, the author undertook the journey which sought to unravel the nuanced nature in which conflict manifests in an African context, as well as seeking to establish sustainable methods of resolving conflict. By analysing various efforts and existing methods of peacebuilding, the author aims to find the problem to the cause which leads conflict ridden states to revert to conflict. The study is fundamentally premised on the theoretical and analytical critic of conflict resolution in Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Kepe, Lukhanyo
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Peace-building -- Africa -- 21st century , Conflict management -- Africa Africa -- Politics and government Peacekeeping forces -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30726 , vital:31035
- Description: This study presents a critical appraisal of 21st century peacebuilding in Africa predicated on the evasive nature of peace and development on the continent. Peacebuilding and development initiatives have tended to be unsustainable and post-conflict states have tended to revert to conflict shortly after transitions. This reversion is a cause for concern as the continent has made concerted efforts in establishing organisations and invested large sums of funds in ensuring that the prevalence of conflict and subsequent issues culminating from the instability of conflict-ridden nations diminish. Peacebuilding in Africa remains a field that is continually scrutinised due to the nuanced nature of conflict which occurs in the continent. These include, inter alia, the historically Eurocentric nature of conflict resolution endeavours of the contemporary society which subjects Africa towards being aspirants of modernity in perpetuity through peacebuilding efforts that embody conflict resolution methods that overlook the antecedents of the conflict; an endemic cycle that is erroneous to the efforts of bringing peace that is sustainable. Moreover, although there is an extensive body of work pertaining to understanding of sustainable peace, which focusses mostly on the political economy of conflict resolution and peacebuilding, it has been identified that not many studies have been done in a way which seeks to address the Eurocentric epistemologies, philosophies and practices which may affect peacebuilding in conflict ridden ‘post-colonial’ African states. Thus, the analytical perspective of the study will be to explore the orientation of ‘coloniality’ and ‘subjectivity’ in the field and attempt to bring in a decolonial perspective to the debates on conflict and peace in Africa. Quintessential to the author was the prevalence and reoccurrence of conflict in Africa, a pertinent feature which resulted to the development of this study. Moreover, the author undertook the journey which sought to unravel the nuanced nature in which conflict manifests in an African context, as well as seeking to establish sustainable methods of resolving conflict. By analysing various efforts and existing methods of peacebuilding, the author aims to find the problem to the cause which leads conflict ridden states to revert to conflict. The study is fundamentally premised on the theoretical and analytical critic of conflict resolution in Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The role of microfinance institutions in poverty alleviation in Limpopo province
- Authors: Hlungwani, Kholofelo
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Microfinance -- South Africa -- Limpopo , Small business -- Finance Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Limpopo
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30320 , vital:30930
- Description: In many developing nations, the majority of poor people live in rural areas. Yet, most of them do not have access to financial services needed to sustain their living standards. Poverty remains high in many developing nations, despite numerous non-government and government efforts to alleviate poverty through microfinance. Further, poor people are not unique to rural areas; they are present in urban areas too. Poverty remains prevalent and much remains to be done to improve the quality of life for the poor people. This study examines the role of Microfinance Institutions (MFIs) in poverty alleviation for both rural and urban areas of Limpopo Province. This study was aimed at investigating how MFIs are benefiting low-income earners in the rural and urban areas of Limpopo Province. Mopani District in Limpopo Province was the study area. Forty five MFIs clients were interviewed as well as ten MFIs in the. This study adopted a mixed research approach. Primary data was collected through structured and semi-structured questionnaires, while secondary data was collected from published and unpublished materials. The findings of the study revealed that MFIs operating in Mopani District only provide credit facilities to their clients. The services are provided to all gender, salary earners, pensioners and residents of both rural and urban areas. The interest charges on the credit ranged from 5% to 40%. The collateral security required was certified ID, payslip, bankcard, and proof of residence and personal assets. The study established that those clients that accessed loans from MFIs were able to improve their standard of living through start up and expanding their businesses, paying school fees, building and improving their house and affording private health facilities. The research found out that there are challenges faced by both MFIs and MFIs clients. MFIs indicated that they faced challenges such as increased competition, lack of information about the client, profit performance and attracting low –income clients. However, the clients indicated that MFIs charge high interest rates. The respondents recommend that MFIs could lessen interest rate, increase on the amount given as loans to their clients and assess repayment capabilities before offering loans. For MFIs client’s respondents recommend that to improve the standard of living clients could get investment opportunities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Hlungwani, Kholofelo
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Microfinance -- South Africa -- Limpopo , Small business -- Finance Poverty -- Economic aspects -- South Africa -- Limpopo
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30320 , vital:30930
- Description: In many developing nations, the majority of poor people live in rural areas. Yet, most of them do not have access to financial services needed to sustain their living standards. Poverty remains high in many developing nations, despite numerous non-government and government efforts to alleviate poverty through microfinance. Further, poor people are not unique to rural areas; they are present in urban areas too. Poverty remains prevalent and much remains to be done to improve the quality of life for the poor people. This study examines the role of Microfinance Institutions (MFIs) in poverty alleviation for both rural and urban areas of Limpopo Province. This study was aimed at investigating how MFIs are benefiting low-income earners in the rural and urban areas of Limpopo Province. Mopani District in Limpopo Province was the study area. Forty five MFIs clients were interviewed as well as ten MFIs in the. This study adopted a mixed research approach. Primary data was collected through structured and semi-structured questionnaires, while secondary data was collected from published and unpublished materials. The findings of the study revealed that MFIs operating in Mopani District only provide credit facilities to their clients. The services are provided to all gender, salary earners, pensioners and residents of both rural and urban areas. The interest charges on the credit ranged from 5% to 40%. The collateral security required was certified ID, payslip, bankcard, and proof of residence and personal assets. The study established that those clients that accessed loans from MFIs were able to improve their standard of living through start up and expanding their businesses, paying school fees, building and improving their house and affording private health facilities. The research found out that there are challenges faced by both MFIs and MFIs clients. MFIs indicated that they faced challenges such as increased competition, lack of information about the client, profit performance and attracting low –income clients. However, the clients indicated that MFIs charge high interest rates. The respondents recommend that MFIs could lessen interest rate, increase on the amount given as loans to their clients and assess repayment capabilities before offering loans. For MFIs client’s respondents recommend that to improve the standard of living clients could get investment opportunities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
An investigation of the functional responsibilities of the municipal councillors at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality during the Implementation of the Integrated Development Plan (IDP)
- Authors: Nkombela, Lizwi Eric
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Municipal officials and employees -- South Africa -- Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality Local government -- South Africa -- Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/20132 , vital:29129
- Description: The study is undertaken to investigate the functional responsibilities of the municipal councillors at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality during the implementation of the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). It aims to examine the experiences and perceptions that ward councillors have of their representative and participatory roles, including the support provided by the local government during the implementation of the IDP at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. In the statement of the problem, the researcher has provided the basis and the rationale for this study. This study is undertaken against the backdrop of protest on service delivery as the current local government system struggles to effectively provide basic services to communities, as well as attend to their economic and social development needs. There are various factors that contribute to effective governance of local government, however, for the sake of this research not all of them will be studied by the researcher. The researcher has indicated some of the limitations in this study and will only focus on the ward councillors and their functional responsibilities at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. The contextualization of this study is premised on the existing theoretical, legislative and conceptual views that apply to functional responsibilities of the municipal councillors and these were drawn from various sources to quantitatively obtain the data for this study. The study also explains the research design and methodology applied to elicit information from a sample of 31 ward councillors of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. The quantitative data which was received through questionnaires was presented, analysed and discussed by the researcher. The researcher used the frequency distribution and percentage in order to draw up the conclusions and recommendations. The quantitative data revealed to a greater extent a positive response from the 31 ward councillors regarding their experiences and perceptions of their representative and participatory roles and their understanding of the support provided by the local government during the implementation of the IDP at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Nkombela, Lizwi Eric
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Municipal officials and employees -- South Africa -- Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality Local government -- South Africa -- Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/20132 , vital:29129
- Description: The study is undertaken to investigate the functional responsibilities of the municipal councillors at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality during the implementation of the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). It aims to examine the experiences and perceptions that ward councillors have of their representative and participatory roles, including the support provided by the local government during the implementation of the IDP at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. In the statement of the problem, the researcher has provided the basis and the rationale for this study. This study is undertaken against the backdrop of protest on service delivery as the current local government system struggles to effectively provide basic services to communities, as well as attend to their economic and social development needs. There are various factors that contribute to effective governance of local government, however, for the sake of this research not all of them will be studied by the researcher. The researcher has indicated some of the limitations in this study and will only focus on the ward councillors and their functional responsibilities at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. The contextualization of this study is premised on the existing theoretical, legislative and conceptual views that apply to functional responsibilities of the municipal councillors and these were drawn from various sources to quantitatively obtain the data for this study. The study also explains the research design and methodology applied to elicit information from a sample of 31 ward councillors of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. The quantitative data which was received through questionnaires was presented, analysed and discussed by the researcher. The researcher used the frequency distribution and percentage in order to draw up the conclusions and recommendations. The quantitative data revealed to a greater extent a positive response from the 31 ward councillors regarding their experiences and perceptions of their representative and participatory roles and their understanding of the support provided by the local government during the implementation of the IDP at the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
The challenges facing non-governmental organisations in transforming conflict through capacity-building in Nothern Uganda
- Authors: Akurut, Catherine
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8189 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1412 , Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Description: Capacity-building is an essential component of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) and peace-building in the aftermath of violent conflict. Civilians, mainly women and children are driven or abducted from their homes during violent conflict and suffer various abuses and atrocities. Many spend the duration of the conflict as refugees in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps in neighbouring countries. Violent conflict impinges on their psychological well-being and socio-economic development making their re-integration into their former communities extremely complex and challenging. In the case of Northern Uganda, the conflict lasted for over two decades. However, since the ―Cessation of Hostilities Agreement‖ of 2006, the peace-building process has been particularly evident here. Numerous stakeholders have been involved in the capacity-building processes in Northern Uganda, and one such organisation is the Friends of Orphans (FRO) in Pader district, Northern Uganda. The purpose of this research study is to explore the challenges facing the FRO in transforming conflict and building sustainable peace through capacity-building in Pader district. The study explores the programmes the organisation implements and investigates how these programmes are relevant for the transformation of conflict. Apart from reviewing the literature, the researcher conducted semi-structured interviews and used participant observation. The employees of the FRO – all of whom are involved with capacity-building in these communities – participated in these interviews in their capacities as social workers, teachers, administrators and field workers. The beneficiaries of these programmes include former child soldiers, abductees, child mothers, land mine survivors and orphans. Lessons learned by the FRO, as well as the researcher‘s recommendations, are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of the organisation and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Akurut, Catherine
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8189 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1412 , Conflict management -- Uganda , Peace-building -- Uganda
- Description: Capacity-building is an essential component of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) and peace-building in the aftermath of violent conflict. Civilians, mainly women and children are driven or abducted from their homes during violent conflict and suffer various abuses and atrocities. Many spend the duration of the conflict as refugees in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps in neighbouring countries. Violent conflict impinges on their psychological well-being and socio-economic development making their re-integration into their former communities extremely complex and challenging. In the case of Northern Uganda, the conflict lasted for over two decades. However, since the ―Cessation of Hostilities Agreement‖ of 2006, the peace-building process has been particularly evident here. Numerous stakeholders have been involved in the capacity-building processes in Northern Uganda, and one such organisation is the Friends of Orphans (FRO) in Pader district, Northern Uganda. The purpose of this research study is to explore the challenges facing the FRO in transforming conflict and building sustainable peace through capacity-building in Pader district. The study explores the programmes the organisation implements and investigates how these programmes are relevant for the transformation of conflict. Apart from reviewing the literature, the researcher conducted semi-structured interviews and used participant observation. The employees of the FRO – all of whom are involved with capacity-building in these communities – participated in these interviews in their capacities as social workers, teachers, administrators and field workers. The beneficiaries of these programmes include former child soldiers, abductees, child mothers, land mine survivors and orphans. Lessons learned by the FRO, as well as the researcher‘s recommendations, are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of the organisation and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
A critical analysis of land redistribution and economic development of farm workers in the Stellenbosch Agricultural Area : a research treatise
- Authors: Stemela, Mbuyiselo
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8232 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/852 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Description: This study critically analyzed land redistribution and economic empowerment of farm workers in the Stellenbosch agricultural area. Past socio-economic and political policies have resulted in a racially skewed and inequitable distribution of land as well as overcrowding, overstocking and poverty in the countryside. It has become imperative that fundamental change is brought about in order to improve economical opportunities of all South Africans to access land for beneficial and productive use. Land reform, as the central thrust of land policy, is not only part of the effort towards the creation of equitable land distribution, but also of national reconciliation and stability. This study analyzed the notion of economic empowerment of farm workers. It looked at historical overview of the evolution of politics in South Africa and contemporary legislative framework pertaining to land redistribution and farm workers in the Western Cape. A case study of Bouwland farm in the Stellenbosch agricultural area was used as an example of how land redistribution can contribute to economically empower farm workers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Stemela, Mbuyiselo
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8232 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/852 , Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (South Africa) , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Compensation (Law) -- South Africa , Economic development -- South Africa -- Stellenbosch
- Description: This study critically analyzed land redistribution and economic empowerment of farm workers in the Stellenbosch agricultural area. Past socio-economic and political policies have resulted in a racially skewed and inequitable distribution of land as well as overcrowding, overstocking and poverty in the countryside. It has become imperative that fundamental change is brought about in order to improve economical opportunities of all South Africans to access land for beneficial and productive use. Land reform, as the central thrust of land policy, is not only part of the effort towards the creation of equitable land distribution, but also of national reconciliation and stability. This study analyzed the notion of economic empowerment of farm workers. It looked at historical overview of the evolution of politics in South Africa and contemporary legislative framework pertaining to land redistribution and farm workers in the Western Cape. A case study of Bouwland farm in the Stellenbosch agricultural area was used as an example of how land redistribution can contribute to economically empower farm workers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The South African Communist Party and its prospects for achieving socialism in a democratic South Africa
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Tali, Lolonga Lincoln
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Communist Party of South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8332 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569
- Description: “It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012